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October 12th, 2005
Paid Work and Family Responsibilities Submission
Sex Discrimination Unit
Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission
GPO Box 5218
Sydney NSW 2000
Dear Commissioner,
RE: Striking the Balance: Women, men, work and family
Thank you for this opportunity to make a submission (as attached) to the inquiry on striking the balance between paid work and family responsibilities. The Work + Family Policy Roundtable (W+FPR) are a group of active researchers at Australian universities and research organisations. We specialise in analysing the work and family life issues.
The Commonwealth Government has provided a number of us with funding to examine the relationship of changing patterns of work (broadly defined) in Australia, and the changing nature of Australian households, communities and workplaces. Our analysis, which extends to international comparisons, has proceeded through diverse projects at a number of universities. This submission draws on this body of work and allows us to locate the Australian situation in the context of international standards.
The focus of our submission is on the importance of establishing a work and care regime in Australia that underpins productive workplaces and fosters the development of an equitable society. There is an urgent need to reshape our workplaces and social institutions to accommodate new household structures and the current composition of the labour force. Incongruities between the public and private worlds of work are a major obstacle to family formation and parents capacity to return to paid work.
Yours faithfully
Associate Professor Barbara Pocock and Dr Elizabeth Hill
Convenors, Work + Family Policy Roundtable
University of Adelaide, University of Sydney
THE HUMAN RIGHTS AND EQUAL OPPORTUNITY COMMISSION INquiry into STRIKING THE BALANCE: wOMEN, MEN, WORK AND FAMILY
Submission from the Work + Family Policy Roundtable (W+FPR)
Background to The Australian Work + Family Policy Roundtable (W+FPR)
Aims: The Australian Work + Family Policy Roundtable is made up of researchers with expertise on work and family policy. Its goal is to propose, comment upon, collect and disseminate relevant policy research to inform good, evidence-based public policy in Australia.
This is both a political and a practical research task.
Where appropriate the Roundtable draws upon relevant international evidence and practice to inform Australian public policy debate.
The Roundtable held its first meeting on 14th February 2004 at the University of Sydney. Academics from eight Australian universities or research institutions attended this first meeting and comprise its foundational members.
The Australian Work + Family Policy Roundtable will:
Develop a general framework setting out the parameters and principles of good family policy related to work, appropriate for Australians in the 21st Century.
Establish specific policy working groups to develop detailed policy in key areas.
Produce clear policy guidelines.
Evaluate policy proposals.
Foundational Members (11 people, 7 institutions)
Marian Baird, The University of Sydney
Deborah Brennan, The University of Sydney
John Buchanan, accirt, The University of Sydney
Bettina Cass, The University of Sydney
Sara Charlesworth, RMIT
Eva Cox, The University of Technology, Sydney
Elizabeth Hill, The University of Sydney
Sarah Maddison, The University of NSW
Barbara Pocock, The University of Adelaide
Alison Preston, Curtin University
Gillian Whitehouse, The University of Queensland
Foundational Convenors
Barbara Pocock, The University of Adelaide
Elizabeth Hill, The University of Sydney
RESPONSE TO INQUIRY ISSUES:
The current context for work and family discussion in Australia is particularly shaped by changes in the labour force participation rates of women (which have been rising steadily) and men (which have been in decline). Against this background, and with a relatively static gendered division of domestic work, women, men and children are all affected by labour market shifts, in the presence of unchanging institutions and cultures.
In 1961 17.3 per cent of married women were in paid employment or actively searching for paid employment. By 2001 the participation rate amongst married women was 65 per cent. The increased labour market activity of women, and of married women in particular, stands out as one of the most significant social developments in recent decades. It is reflective of many factors, not least a shift in gender roles, falling fertility rates and a change in womens attitudes and aspirations towards work.
In keeping with the increased participation of women in paid work, the 1970s and 1980s also witnessed an increase in the adoption of a number of women-friendly reforms including: the expansion of publicly funded child-care; equal pay; equal employment and affirmative action legislation; increased access by women to higher education; and the development of gender equity policies and programs in schools.
Since the mid 1990s the political climate has changed and the gendered character of the Australian labour market has slipped out of view (Pocock 1998:580) while important legislative protection such as the Equal Employment Opportunity Act 1986 has gradually been wound back. In 2005 we have arrived at a situation where women in Australia are more qualified than ever and more likely to be participating in the labour market. Notwithstanding these developments, however, since 1981 there has been no change in the relative share of participating women in the full-time Australian labour market, little change in the overall distribution of women across jobs and little change in the level of the gender pay gap.
What we have seen, instead, is low and falling fertility rates, acute shortages in highly feminised sectors of the workforce (eg. nursing) and a change in the social compact as reflected in an increased expectation that future retirees will have to provide for themselves and growing pension deficits.
In the Australian debate over the ageing of the population and skills shortages the idea of a targeted policy to lift womens workforce participation hardly rates a mention, even though women in Australia remain concentrated in short-time work and in forms of underemployment.
The diminution of the gender equity agenda in the political sphere and at the organisational level is having, and will continue to have, adverse micro and macro economic consequences. At the macro level it affects potential growth, inflation stability and lost productivity. In the absence of strategies to comprehensively manage the needs of a diverse workforce Australia will continue to squander its investment in women and fail to capture the potential productivity benefits to flow from their human capital investments.
As a nation we seem set on ignoring the reality that, in Australia, more and more women are in work and are deferring or delaying childbearing as they seek to establish their own careers. At August 2003 there were more than four million women actively participating in the Australian labour market. The participation of women is forecast to grow. Estimates suggest that by 2015 there will be more women than men in employment.
Whilst the ideology underpinning the traditional bread-winner model is still a strong force in Australian society it appears to hold little attraction to many young people. Younger cohorts aspire to relationships where both partners pursue careers. Within the context of todays institutional structures such aspirations pose a challenge for family formation. Recent data from a Relationships Australia Survey, for example, shows that 90 per cent of respondents believe that relationship trouble stems from a lack of compromise with both women and men wanting careers (Relationships Australia 2003: 5-6). Feeding into such tensions are the relatively understudied subtleties of the costs associated with motherhood; costs such as reduced promotional opportunities for those opting for part-time work to juggle work and family.
In the remainder of this submission we focus our comments on the specific questions as identified in the terms of reference for this inquiry.
A: The financial, career and social disincentives to starting families
The mismatch between the realities of Australian households and our social and economic institutions generates considerable disincentives for people to start families. Australian workplaces and industrial institutions are still structured around the notion of a male, care-less, ideal worker and the traditional male breadwinner-housewife family model. This is no longer the majority experience in the labour force or Australian households.
The percentage of male breadwinning couple households has decreased from half to less than a third of couple families with children ADDIN EN.CITE Pocock200359281Pocock, Barbara2003The work/life collisionSydneyFederation Press(Pocock 2003:28). At the same time, dual income earning families increased by a similar amount to 62 per cent of couple families with children. These trends bring distinctive pressures to bear on the modern worker and their prospects of starting families.
The complex relationship between working and non-working life is central to understanding some of the barriers people face to starting families.
These issues affect households across the income range, from low to middle and high income earners. As neoclassical theory has long suggested, higher female earnings increase the opportunity cost of taking time off to have children. This means that middle and higher income households face high monetary disincentives to having children. On top of these are the growing costs of raising children, including very high costs of private childcare in many Australian locations. But many women are concerned about an additional less obvious cost: that is the long term costs to their labour market status, career opportunities and earnings if they take a break from work. The prospect of a long term disadvantage arising from parenting affects the thinking of many women, as they approach decisions around children and maternity.
Internationally, countries with poor work/care regimes (ie poor leave provisions, inadequate childcare and a tax/benefit regime that penalises second earners) have lower female participation rates, lower fertility and are likely to suffer from tight labour markets in the future. This has led many countries to review their work/care arrangemenets, improve childcare quality and availability and lower its costs, improve paid leave arrangements for carers, and facilitate flexibilities at work, including through quality part-time work.
OECD analysis in recent years has placed Australia well towards the bottom of the international pack in terms of leave, childcare and tax/benefit arrangements, leaving much room for improvement. However improvements to the Australian work and care regime must be distributed equitably to all working families if outcomes are to be just.
Low paid workers and family formation
Particular problems afflict the low paid. Income levels and risk of poverty are key factors in decision-making about family formation. The proportion of adults (over 21 years old) who are low paid has increased to one in five in 2003. This has significant implications for the national birth rate and Australias labour supply in the twenty-first century ADDIN EN.CITE Commonwealth of Australia20051704810Commonwealth of Australia,2005Saftey net review - wages 2005CanberraCommonwealth of Australia1-7011 MarchWritten Submissionwww.airc.gov.au/snr2005/comm/commsub11March05.pdf(Commonwealth of Australia 2005: 48). However poverty-reduction strategies are often targeted at the unemployed and those marginalised from the labour force. They regularly give central place to job creation and skills training programs ADDIN EN.CITE Buchanan2000910Buchanan, JohnWatson, Ian2000Beyond the wage-earner modelGrowth4819-32November(Buchanan and Watson 2000). Greater attention must be paid to the quality of Australian workplaces and practices ADDIN EN.CITE Dunlop200011010Dunlop, Yvonne2000Labour market outcomes of low paid adult workersCanberraAustralian Bureau of Statistics1-57MarchOccasional Paper6293.0.00.005http://www.ausstats.abs.gov.au/ausstats/free.nsf/Lookup/C7F4C97D8F0380B2CA256AD9001E6D63/$File/6293000005_1997.pdf(Dunlop 2000) and their links with family formation. This will require public policy initiatives that acknowledge and manage the extensive linkages that operate between the spheres of economic productivity and growth, social reproduction and community well-being.
There are a number of reasons why low paid employment affects family formation patterns. Though young people comprise a minority of low paid workers, they are over-represented in this wage-earning group. A higher proportion of people aged under 25 years old continue to live in their parental home because of employment difficulties such as higher rates of part-time employment and underemployment ADDIN EN.CITE Australian Bureau of Statistics200120910Australian Bureau of Statistics,2001Australian Social Trends 2001: Family: Family Formation - Older MothersCanberraAustralian Bureau of Statistics(Australian Bureau of Statistics 2001). In other words, young people are facing greater difficulty in becoming economically independent from their parents. This directly affects their likelihood of establishing stable relationships and families of their own.
Two-thirds of low paid workers are of prime working age, that is 25-65 year olds ADDIN EN.CITE Harding1999103290Harding, AnnRichardson, Sue1999The lowly paid, the unemployed and family incomesAustralian Journal of Labour Economics3123-46March(Harding et al. 1999:29). For many of these workers the traditional lifecycle pattern of starting a secure job, getting married, buying a home and having children is disrupted or delayed. Recent results from interviews with low paid service sector employees indicate some workers consciously postpone starting a family because of their low wage rate and the limited scope for improving their financial situation in the future.
Low paid workers often face considerable difficulties meeting the basic necessities of life including adequate nutrition and home heating ADDIN EN.CITE Australian Council of Trade Unions20029516Australian Council of Trade Unions,2002A fair share for all AustraliansAustralian Council of Trade Unions20039/95/2/03Webpagewww.actu.asn.au/public/futurework/fairshare.html(Australian Council of Trade Unions 2002). Obtaining secure housing, settling in an area and community, and being confident of having the money to raise children are major concerns for many workers.
Some of these workers feel (and are) insecure in their jobs. This affects their family plans. Others are low paid. The latter employees are often referred to as the working poor. There is growing concern in Australia, particularly by welfare agencies, that greater numbers of workers are unable to make ends meet and often incur substantial debt levels simply to survive ADDIN EN.CITE Saleh2003855Saleh, Lillian2003$300 gets you this - $306 feeds family of five - a tale of two SydneysDaily TelegraphSydney1227 May(Saleh 2003).
Low paid precarious employment often entails poorer working conditions and prospects and complicates family formation and planning a family ADDIN EN.CITE Watson20021450Watson, Ian2002Wage inequality and underemployment: Australia in the 1990sJournal of Industrial Relations44188-107March<http://search.informit.com.au/fullText;dn=200304406;res=APAFTWatson20041283Watson, Ian2004Wages of part-time workers in Australia: an initial appraisal using HILDA'The Quality of Part-Time Work' WorkshopMelbourneCentre for Applied Social Research, RMIT1-4319th JulyPocock200418510Pocock, BarbaraProsser, RosslynBridge, Ken2004'Only a casual …': How casual work affects employees, households and communities in Australia.AdelaideLabour Studies, University of Adelaide1-220AugustUnpublishedhttp://barbarapocock.com.au/documents/onlyacasual.docCampbell20002100Campbell, Iain2000The Spreading Net: Age and Gender in the Process of Casualisation in AustraliaJournal of Australian Political Economy4568-99JuneWooden200321110Wooden, MarkWarren, D2003The Characteristics of Casual and Fixed Term Employment: Evidence from the HILDA SurveyMelbourneMelbourne Institute(Campbell 2000; Watson 2002; Wooden and Warren 2003; Pocock, Prosser and Bridge 2004; Watson 2004). Advances in maternity and parental leave entitlements have accrued mainly to higher status and higher paid employees, many of them in larger workplaces and the public sector. At the same time, increasing numbers of workers at the bottom end of the labour market do not have access to any paid holiday or sick leave, which are essential to the combination of paid work and children. Between 1992 and 2003, 42 per cent of the change in full-time and part-time employment occurred in jobs without basic leave entitlements ADDIN EN.CITE Pocock200521273Pocock, Barbara2005Who's a Worker Now? And What does it Mean for Australian Politics?19th AIRAANZ Annual ConferenceUniversity of Sydney, SydneyAssociation of Industrial Relations Academics of Australia and New Zealand11-13th February(Pocock 2005:7). Many low paid employees must work long hours to compensate for their low hourly rate. In the present economic context, where two adult workers are increasingly necessary to support a family, the existing system of workplace leave provides prospective parents (particularly the low paid) with few assurances that they will be able to care for their children adequately.
Australias deregulated labour market is failing to equitably deliver family-friendly working environments. The increased participation of women in the workforce is an economic necessity for individuals and households. At the same time women continue to perform a disproportionate amount of unpaid caring work ADDIN EN.CITE Bittman20002130Bittman, MichaelWajcman, Judy2000The Rush Hour: The Character of Leisure Time and Gender EquitySocial Forces791165-177(Bittman and Wajcman 2000). Australian workplaces and industrial institutions have been very slow to recognise and adapt to the changing composition of the labour force. In the absence of responsive, family-friendly work practices, Australians are often forced to make hard decisions about starting families, to defer starting families and as a result often end up with smaller sized families than they would prefer.
B: The impact of taxation and other matters on families in the choices they make in balancing work and family life.
At the outset it should be acknowledged that the choices families make in balancing work and family life are choices made within a constrained environment; within a societal structure that positions women as the primary care giver. There are strong traditional ideologies affecting the structure of work and patterns of care giving. Whilst women are increasingly expected to work, mothers are, nevertheless, generally expected to take time out to care for their young (particularly very young) children. The following quote from a qualitative study of the caring decisions of professional women illustrates this point.
Im not what I would call a traditional woman, in the sense of stay at home and look after the children and look after the husband It was a real shock to me once I had William that suddenly I though, hang on, the reality is, somebody has to take care of this child, and it wasnt going to be my partner I said, well, Im earning more than you are, and he said, well, but if I dont work, I lose my skills and then its much harder for me to get back into my field, and in the end thats what did it. So in some ways the choices I made because Im female are made because of the partner that I have who is being made male by a society society expects him to go off and work full-time (Aveling, 2002:279)
Australia is not yet an equitable society. It remains strongly wedded to the male breadwinner ideology. Although womens participation in paid employment has significantly increased in recent years much of this employment is in the part-time (low waged, low skilled) sector and often of a casual nature. Men remain the primary breadwinners.
Within this regime women seeking to pursue professional careers are largely expected to do so on the same terms as men; ie. engage in full-time (long hours) work. Indeed, high levels of occupational sex-segregation together with a strong cultural norm positioning the woman as the primary care giver obviates the need for employers of male dominated sectors to seriously consider work and family policies. (Sixty-five per cent of men in Australia are currently employed in male dominated jobs). Accordingly, balancing family needs and full-time employment remains exceptionally difficult in Australia. Most balancing is achieved by one partner (typically the woman) engaging in reduced hours (part-time) work. Part-timers (women) are, as a result, significantly constrained on a number of fronts.
For example, few part-time career opportunities are available within professional jobs outside nursing and teaching. The absence of such employment arrangements within other professions thus constrains the career paths of women and simultaneously contributes to on-going labour shortages. It also manifests in the under-utilisation of labour and on-going sex-segmentation.
Part-time employment, by definition, also reduces earnings potential over the life course. This, in turn, seriously impacts on a womans capacity to accumulate sufficient retirement income in a system where contributions are tied to participation in paid employment. Part-time limits the extent to which women are able to achieve an adequate return on their educational investments. Estimates by Jefferson & Preston (2005) suggest that, over the life course, women will accumulate around 25.5 years of work experience, 35 per cent lower than the average accumulated by males in the Australian labour market. In short, part-time work carries with it significant financial costs for both the individual and the society as a whole.
There is hope that young Australians may be able to negotiate a new gender equality regime and engage in employment patterns substantially different from those that have dominated the Australian landscape over the past two decades. However, evidence in Preston (2003) cautions against any expectation of a significant generational shift in experience. Traditional gender ideologies remain firmly embedded amongst first year university students in Australia and there is reason to believe that they may be even stronger in lower socio-economic groups of young people. Thus, although young women expect similar (indeed stronger earnings growth) as young men and share similar aspirations for careers, responsibility, challenging work etc., they nevertheless see themselves as assuming the primary care giver role either through engagement in part-time work and/or through taking substantial periods of time out of the workforce.
The current family benefits system also serves to entrench the lack of choice women and men have in dividing their paid and unpaid work in the household equitably. Under the current regime, families that subscribe to the male-breadwinner household model are rewarded with higher family benefits than households in which the division of paid and unpaid labour is more equitably split (Hill 2004). Public policy incentives that undermine the capacity of families to divide paid and unpaid work between men and women more fairly only serve to entrench the status quo.
The perseverance of traditional gender ideologies towards care and patterns of work will continue to adversely impact on the ability of women to attain equality outcomes in Australia. Women will continue to be an under-utilised economic resource, particularly in the absence of efforts to create more part-time work opportunities amongst professional jobs.
In light of this it is our view that there should be better rights for employees to self-nominate for movement between full-time and part-time work. This would encourage the development of part-time opportunities across a range of professional and non-professional occupations. In the absence of such initiatives women will continue to leave their chosen professions (eg. Law, information technology, engineering etc.) thus contributing to on-going productivity constraints.
The most serious consequences, however, have less to do with economics and more to do with demography. Women will continue to delay and defer having children if their employment opportunities are curtailed by having children (McDonald 2000).
C: Making it easier for parents who so wish to return to the paid workforce
There are numerous strategies that would make it easier for parents to return to paid work. The establishment of family friendly workplaces through an equitable work/care regime is crucial. Some key features of a better work and care regime that would provide parents with greater opportunities to participate in the paid workforce are outlined below. These are supported by an extensive international literature (see for example, OECD 2002, 2003, Jaumotte 2001).
A sustainable labour force that is able to care for its household responsibilities depends on flexibility at work, a living wage, job security, sustainable working hours, and adequate leave provisions, backed by social infrastructure that assures quality accessible affordable childcare (see table 1 attached).
1. A Secure Living Wage.
A living wage is central to producing a workplace environment that gives people confidence to start families and to return to the workforce as parents. Focus on the provision of a living wage is particularly crucial given substantial female participation in the workforce and growth in lone parent and dual-income earner households.
Of course it is also vital that incomes are protected from unfair or poorly constructed wage and welfare effects that impose an unfair effective marginal tax rate.
2. Reasonable Work Hours and Working Time.
Change is also required at the individual workplace level as well as more broadly. Family-friendly hours are essential to enable parents to balance their family and work commitments. In 2003, over 31 per cent of Australian employees worked over 40 hours per week, an increase of 23 per cent since 1988 ADDIN EN.CITE Pocock2003591321Pocock, Barbara2003The work/life collisionSydneyFederation Press(Pocock 2003:132). Long hours of work make work/family balance hard to achieve. Unsocial working time results in higher stress for children of parents who work them (Strazdins et al, 2004). Furthermore, the loss of penalty rates for working unsocial hours would no doubt fuel their expansion, with negative effects for children.
Alongside this, working carers need some reasonable say over working time. In particular, they need protection from long hours where they do not wish to work them. Rights to work part-time (see, also, part C, below), to request flexibility in working time, and related measures are increasingly adopted in developed countries to facilitate work and family combination. Australia lags in this respect with an extraordinarily high proportion of part-time jobs being casualised and insecure and a significant number of casual workers lacking any real say over their working hours. Over a quarter of Australian workers are casually employed, most of them women and many of them carers. For employers and some workers casual employment provides a desirable degree of flexibility in the workplace. However, many others take on casual employment because more stable and rewarding jobs are unavailable and they lack any real control over their working time ADDIN EN.CITE Pocock200418510Pocock, BarbaraProsser, RosslynBridge, Ken2004'Only a casual …': How casual work affects employees, households and communities in Australia.AdelaideLabour Studies, University of Adelaide1-220AugustUnpublishedhttp://barbarapocock.com.au/documents/onlyacasual.doc(Pocock et al. 2004). Genuinely flexible, family-friendly workplaces would enable parents to meet their broader social responsibilities without sacrificing security, income or conditions.
3. Leave provisions
A crucial component of family-friendly workplaces must be a leave regime that delivers productive, safe, efficient and fair workplaces along with healthier individuals, households and communities. International studies show that paid maternity leave is associated with significant falls in neonatal death rate (Tanaka 2005). Australias patchy system of paid maternity leave is inappropriate in a civilised country, almost a hundred years after the ILO adopted a basic standard of leave for working mothers when they have a baby.
With government assistance, paid maternity leave should be made available to all mothers and paternity and parental leave entitlements should also be increased. These changes would acknowledge the caring responsibilities of workers, as would the establishment and expansion of portable leave banks consisting of long service leave, sick leave, annual leave and family leave. These pools of leave should be accessible at workers discretion and allow them to achieve a better work-life balance.
Improvements in paid parental, paternity and maternity leave in Australia are essential to support working carers. Australias work and care supports, in terms of paid leave, remain at the bottom end of international standards across the developed world in this respect.
4. Quality Care Services
It is also important to improve care services and ensure that they are widely available, affordable and offer high quality care.
There is an urgent need to expand and improve the provision of childcare for working Australian families. This includes the expansion and improvement of affordable preschool education, formal childcare for 0-4 year olds and out of school care services for school aged children. The international evidence in support of quality early childhood education and care is strong and incontrovertible (see for example, McCain and Mustard 2002 and Shonkoff and Phillips 2000).
In light of this it is our view that it is time for a national review of early childhood education and care in Australia, with a view to placing the provision, funding and articulation of such care on a strong, national basis, ensuring accessible quality care for all Australians. We urge the Inquiry to support such a national review.
Workers with responsibility for the aged, ill and disabled also require expanded support services, particularly respite care. A critical issue in the provision of high quality caring services is the need for improved remuneration and clear career structures for those who provide care. Other important elements of an adequate work/care regime that would assist parents who so wished, to return to paid work are detailed in Table 1. The establishment of appropriate and high quality caring services that are affordable and accessible to all Australians with caring responsibilities is urgent and critical for families needing to improve their work and family regime.
Conclusion
Australian society can no longer afford to force parents to artificially separate their working and non-working lives from each other. This imposes unacceptable costs on children, mothers and fathers. It increasingly affects the labour market, workplace productivity and national growth rates.
The international evidence about public policy settings that assist employees, households and employers to achieve work family balance is clear. The Australian situation, however, remains uneven and patchy in its outcomes for families. The case for action is convincing, and there is a compelling case for government leadership in this important area of public policy. There is a particularly pressing and strong case for a national review of childcare arrangements in Australia, with a view to establishing a national quality system of care for children under five years old.
A better work and family regime which includes flexibility in the workplace, workplace security and secure minimum incomes, better leave provisions and access to affordable quality childcare is essential and achievable.
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Watson, I. (2002) Wage inequality and underemployment: Australia in the 1990s. Journal of Industrial Relations, 44, 1, March, 88-107. < HYPERLINK "http://search.informit.com.au/fullText;dn=200304406;res=APAFT" http://search.informit.com.au/fullText;dn=200304406;res=APAFT (10/05/2005).
--- (2004) Wages of part-time workers in Australia: an initial appraisal using HILDA. 'The Quality of Part-Time Work' Workshop. Centre for Applied Social Research, RMIT, Melbourne, 19th July. BSL).
Watson, I., Buchanan, J., Campbell, I. and Briggs, C. (2003) Fragmented futures. Federation Press, Sydney.
Wooden, M. and Warren, D. (2003) The Characteristics of Casual and Fixed Term Employment: Evidence from the HILDA Survey. Melbourne Institute, Melbourne.
Table 1 Key Measures for an improved work and family regime in Australia
(from Pocock (2003) The Work/Life Collision, pp. 253-257)
Key Measures for a new Australian Work/Care Regime
Nature of Specific Changes
BenefitsHours of Paid WorkReduce ordinary hours of full-time working week
Cap overtime
Phase out unpaid overtime
Give greater rights to workers to avoid carer-unfriendly working hours
Increase wages of low paid who use overtime to earn living wage
Increase compliance machinery to ensure regulations are implemented
Increase means of reducing hours through leave banks, 48/52 or related schemes
Measures to modify prevailing long hours cultures through management initiatives and modellingMore productive and healthier workplaces and workers
Hours that support worker/carers, rather than make their juggle more difficult
Better welfare for mothers, fathers, children and other dependents
Healthier communities and stronger communities, underwriting greater social capital
Better health outcomes
More intensive fathering, less intensive mothering
Increased equality between women and men
Redistribution of work from over-worked to under-employed and unemployedPart-time WorkIncrease the status, security and conditions of part-time work by national and state legislative change, award amendment and enterprise initiatives
Give casual employees rights to convert to permanent work after six months employment
Establish rights to part-time work for all employees, with rights of reversal to full-time
Confine casual employment to the genuinely casual
Fully compensate for casuals lost benefits by increasing casual loading
Eliminate any differences in conditions between full-timers and part-timers that create an employer incentive to casualise (eg weak rights to unfair dismissal, redundancy, consultation, representation)
Strengthen and enforce anti-discrimination measures to prevent direct or indirect discrimination between classes of employees based on hours of work alone
Create portable rights for shorter term workers to carry forward entitlements including leave
Modifying objects of workplace relations law to make secure, quality part-time work an object of the industrial system
Strengthen institutions that facilitate integrative transitions between care/full-time/part-time work (eg labour exchanges, group employment schemes)
Adoption protocols and directives for quality part-time work
Greater permanency and better conditions for part-time work
Less discrimination against part-timers
More stability for households and individuals dependent on part-time work
Retention and development of part-time skilled employees
Greater productivity in workplaces
Greater gender pay equity
LeaveReinstate access to holiday and sick leave for all workers who are not genuinely casual (and who should be fully compensated for their loss)
Improve access to long service leave and build upon this scheme to create portable leave banks
Implement three months paid maternity leave for all working mothers at close to ordinary earnings
Phase in paid parental leave for one year to be shared by parents
Implement paid paternity leave of two weeks
Implement two weeks of paid emergency family leave to care for sick dependents and household care emergencies
Provide extended unpaid leave for workers where they retain job security and tenure while undertaking non-work activity
Give greater flexibility in leave taking through award and enterprise agreements
Establish general leave banks to facilitate the accumulation of leave to meet variety of needs
Greater productivity in workplaces
Retention and development of skilled employees
Better welfare for mothers, fathers, children and other dependents
Healthier communities and stronger communities, underwriting greater social capital
More father involvement in care of dependents, more equity for mothers and female carers
CareExtension of quality, affordable universal childcare within reasonable distance of children of all working Australians
Extend out of school hours care to all potential users
Improved respite and other forms of public care to support full-time carers
Implement access to free, government-funded pre-school education/care for all three and four years olds in Australia, integrated with (ie co-located and end-on-to) childcare
Integrated state/federal system of pre-school/childcare education care for 3-4 year olds
Higher pay for those who provide public care
Strong regulation of formal care, with effective enforcement and support for providers
Better public funding of formal care Real choice for parents between work/care and home/care combinations
Reduced childcare imposts on parents which create disincentive to work
Safer children and dependents with better educational and care outcomes
Less parental worry
Fewer institutional transitions for children between forms of care
More administrative efficiency
Greater gender pay equity
WorkplacesProvision of more flexible working hours at workers discretion, subject to negotiation
Tax and other supports for carer-friendly initiatives by employers
Provision of new leave to care for sick dependents and emergencies
Supervisor and management training about work/care combination
Initiatives to reduce long hours and break long hours cultures, including through management example
Implementation of part-time work arrangements with both formal and substantive equality between full-timers and part-timers
De-casualisation of part-time workMore productive workplaces
Retention of skilled and experienced employees
Better reproduction of next generation of workers
Better workplace relations and environments
Fairer workplaces
Payments to FamiliesFinancial support for full-time carers through payment directly to carers, especially when caring is most intensive (ie higher payments to carers of children 0-3 years). Payments can be used as carers see fit (eg as payment while caring at home, or for public care fees)
More choice for parents between work/care and home/care combinations
More financial support for carers
Better opportunities for parents to provide care
More support for informal carers
Greater capacity for volunteering and formal and informal community activityDomestic Work and Unpaid CareMen do more unpaid care work
Men do more housework
Women lower standards, exercise less control, and do less care and unpaid domestic work
鱨վ trained, especially boys, to do domestic and care work
Better provision of household support and care servicesFewer divorces
Less marital dischord
Fairer sharing between women and men
A more equal workplace playing field for women
Stronger relationships between men and dependents
Cultures of Motherhood Fatherhood and The Value of CareHigher value placed on care, carers and dependents across society
Liberation of women from cultures of intensive mothering, and greater sharing of care with men
Greater valuation, and expectation, of men as carers
Greater public benefits, including payments, to full-time carers
Higher pay to workers in caring occupations and to caring institutionsLess guilt for women and mothers
Fairer measures of guilt between the sexes
More sex
Higher pay for feminised occupations and industries (where most public care is done)
More men modeling care to their children
PAGE
PAGE 9
DEPARTMENT OF SOCIAL INQUIRY
FACULTY OF HUMANITIES
AND SOCIAL SCIENCES
BARBARA POCOCK
LEVEL 3, 10 PULTENEY STREET
ADELAIDE UNIVERSITY SA 5005
AUSTRALIA
TELEPHONE +61 8 8303 3736
FACSIMILE +61 8 8303 4346
barbara.pocock@adelaide.edu.au
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