ࡱ> %` Nbjbj"x"x l<Tlllllmmmuwwwwww$hhTvmmvvTTllH|||vTlTlu|vu||5@TTlzl `kvu8uƮ0xp\TmXp|(rtsemmmzmmmvvvvTTTdkTTTkTTTTTTTTT AUSTRALIA NEW ZEALAND SECULAR ASSOCIATION Re:Freedom of Religion and Belief in the 21st Century Submission This letter is a submission to the Freedom of Religion and Belief in the 21st Century project. It will be sent both as hard copy and electronically. Please find enclosed a copy of my book The Purple Economy: Supernatural Charities, Tax and the State. It discusses many of the issues raised in this project. Please consider this book a gift to the Commissions library. The Australia New Zealand Secular Association (ANZSA), formerly the Australian National Secular Association, is an incorporated organisation that stands for Constitutional separation of church and state in Australian and New Zealand republics An end to the tax-exempt status of religion The restoration of adequate funding for state schools On 9 July 2008 the association joined with other organisations to present a conference entitled Australia and New Zealands Secular Heritage and Its Future in the Theatrette of the NSW Parliament. The conference was repeated with a New Zealand emphasis in the Law School of Victoria University, Wellington, on 30 August 2008.A book from the conference papers will be produced this year. Our association is concerned with the Commissions approach to the question of religion and belief in Australia and we note the three researchers employed by the Commission to review the submissions to the present project have no background in a secular perspective. The Council of Australian Humanists, the Rationalist Association of Australia, Skeptics and atheist organisations have been in existence in Australia for decades. Yet they are excluded from consideration when it comes to choosing a panel of experts who will work on a project partly about non-religious belief. Secularists are relegated to the back of the bus in what amounts to an informal cultural apartheid. And this, coming from the governments organisation set up to protect human rights. There are two further points that can be made about this. The first is that the Commission subsumes the concept of belief into the concept of religion. It could be fairly argued, we assert, that religion could be integrated into the more neutral concept of belief to recognise the equality of all beliefs, be they supernatural or otherwise. Our reasoning is that the secular state should be characterised by a constitutional separation of church and state that favours neither religion nor atheism or any of its variations. That is not the case today. There is no constitutional separation of church and state in Australia and religious organisations are tax-exempt as charities that advance religion while atheist organisations are not tax-exempt. (see Appendix 1When there is no separation of church and state and Appendix 2 Secularism is not atheism.) Second, in 2006-2007 in New Zealand an inquiry along similar lines was held. Submissions were called for. The New Zealand Association of Rationalist and Humanists, among others, put in submissions, attended public meetings and asserted the need for the government to recognise the secular nature of New Zealand society and the issues that our organisations have. The report Religious Diversity in New Zealand, written by the inquirys organiser, Professor Paul Morris of the Religious Studies Department of Victoria University, did not reflect our submissions and comments, ignoring almost all our arguments. The point is that if one does not have a diversity of views in a project of the kind the Commission is undertaking now, if it is structured in the dominance of one cultural perspective, the result will inevitably be a report that reflects the views of the authors. Having said that, the Content for Consideration document is useful. The areas it raises are relevant and appropriate. But, as noted below, the way some of the questions in this document are framed conform to the Commissions tendency to completely ignore issues that could be raised from a secular perspective. They accentuate a religionist perspective reflected in the Commissions commitment to progress a Religious Freedom Act while ignoring the fact that there is no constitutional separation of church and state. Another example of this tendency is detailed in my 2007 book The Purple Economy from pages 145-148. I discuss the Commissions handling of my complaint concerning the discriminatory nature of the GST tax. I detail how the Commission said certain things to me in letters, but said other contradictory things in writing to parliamentary questions on notice, concerning the same issues. On page 148 in conclusion I ask Why is HREOC arguing for a Religious Freedom Act and not a separation of church and state? I suggest this question goes to the religionist bias of the Commission that has existed since the Commission turned its attention to religion. Another indication the Commission is working towards preordained conclusions is the fact that nowhere in the documentation surrounding this project is there any mention of the Commonwealth Governments own inquiry published in 2000 Conviction With Compassion: A Report on Freedom of Religion and Belief. It follows that from our perspective, the point of this submission is to put these concerns on the public record and to respond to the questions raised in the project document which are worthwhile. A central point government and Commission alike do not comprehend is that freedom of religion and belief also implies freedom from religion and belief i.e. no citizen should be coerced in any way, including coercion in the use of his or her taxes, in support or a belief they have no sympathy with. This is a fundamental point of all democratic government. Religion and belief are private matters and should be funded privately. It is not the role of a government to advance religion or atheism through tax exemptions. But religion is tax exempt. Atheism is not. 1. Evaluation of 1998 HREOC Report on Article 18: Freedom of Religion and Belief 1. What are areas of concern regarding the freedom to practice and express faith and beliefs, within your faith community and other such communities? This question again assumes unfairly that those who have non-religious or non-supernatural beliefs are in a faith community. A central problem secularists have is the inability of governments and organisations like the Commission to distinguish the two and to privilege the religious with our tax dollars without our consent. The US Department of States report on Religious Freedom of 2008 concerning Australia described well enough the issues the religious may have in realising their freedom to practice and expression. There are issues there that need addressing, particularly the causes of the Cronulla riots. In particular 1. Areas of concern: Our ability to realise secular practice is compromised by the lack of constitutional separation of church and state in Australia and the tax consequences of exemptions for religious organisations. This runs into billions of dollars, much of it unaccountable. A recent example is the $150M+ given to the Catholic Church for World Youth Day in 2008. Without constitutional separation protecting secular taxpayers, Australian governments are essentially soft theocracies where church and government purposes coincide to garnishee taxpayers money and resources as governments perceive electoral advantage, both structurally through exemptions and functionally through grants. 2. Have new issues emerged: There is not adequate protection against discrimination against belief. The Queensland Governments Anti-Discrimination Board cannot handle complaints from humanists and others because only religion is mentioned in the discrimination act in that state. I refer also the Commissions refusal to handle our complaint re: the GST and discrimination mentioned above. 3. Is there adequate protection against discrimination The Victorian governments legislation concerning vilification should be repealed if that has not already occurred. The only sanction against free speech should be where it advocates violence against others. 4. How are governments handling incitement: The Federal government rightly refused to introduce a Religious Freedom Act but at the same time, as noted, governments have shown no will to separate church and state in Australia. 5. Article 18 recommendations: We have no other opinion on that. 2. Religion and the State the Constitution, roles and responsibilities 1. Is this section (116) of the Constitution an adequate protection of freedom of religion and belief? It should have been but the 1981 Defence of Government Schools case undermined it. See Appendix 1 and The Purple Economy Parts A and B pp15-129. Given the courts interpretation of s.116 separation of church and state should be a central consideration in the move to an Australian republic. 2. How should the Australian Government protect freedom of religion and belief? By holding a referendum for a republic that includes separation of church and state as a prerequisite. 3. When considering the separation of religion and state, are there any issues that presently concern you? There is no constitutional separation of church and state in Australia at either a federal or state level. This has allowed religious organisations to become extremely wealthy partly at the expense of secular taxpayers as there is no constitutional bar to governments gifting taxpayers money to religion via exemptions, grants and awards as noted. In fact, the structural core of all politics and government is the exclusion of monarchs and religious organisations from paying tax. As industry developed in the 19thC business corporations also sought methods to minimise tax, mimicking the exemptions for monarchs and churches. By the 1980s a tax avoidance industry had developed in Australia generated around the tax decisions influenced by the Chief Justice of the High Court, Sir Garfield Barwick, who played a leading role in the Court when it formally denied separation of church and state in Australia in the 1981 Defence of Government Schools case. See The Purple Economy Introduction, Parts A and B and Conclusion. 4. Do religious or faith-based groups have undue influence over government and/or does the government have undue influence over religious or faith-based groups? Religious organisations have influence over government structurally and functionally as asserted above. See The Purple Economy Parts B and C. The growth of religious subversion of politics is also detailed in M. Maddoxs God Under Howard (Allen & Unwin 2005), A. Lohreys Voting for Jesus, Quarterly Essay No.22, 2006 N. Hager, The Hollow Men, (Craig Potton, NZ, 2006))and J. Sharlets The Family (2007). Briefly, these influences can be summarised as structural: tax exemptions, grants and awards and functional: Bible studies meetings in parliament, prayer breakfasts in parliament, exemptions in legislation for certain religious organisations from sanctions that apply to others, many symbolic preferences for religion and many other examples. 5. Would a legislated national Charter of Rights add to these freedoms of religion and belief? Possibly, but this is a secondary consideration to a formal separation of church and state in Australia. Roles and Responsibilities 6(a). Roles, rights and responsibilities The secular have no roles in implementing the commitment to freedom of religion and belief. As discussed above, this projects exclusion of a secular voice is testimony to the Commissions own religionist bias. (b) Managed? We should be included. 7. Cooperative approach By not excluding secular considerations. 8. Interfaith existence Why is secular belief characterised as a question of faith? Again, we are defined out of existence. 9. changing role and face of religion See The Purple Economy Part B especially. 3. Religion and the State practice and expression 1. What are some consequences of the emergence of faith-based services as major government service delivery agencies? This move is best described as subsidiarity. See The Purple Economy pp 93-4. Subsidiarity undermines the principle of separation of church and state. It enriches churches that are failing, such as the Uniting Church in Australia, and opens up new possibilities for proselytisation. With that said, if these charities relieve poverty and they are accountable to a charities commission, their work could be justified in terms of public benefit. 2. How should government accommodate the needs of faith groups in addressing issues such as religion and education, faith schools, the building of places of worship, religious holy days, religious symbols and religious dress practices? Note again how belief has disappeared from this extremely broad question. For religion and education in particular see The Purple Economy Part A. 3.Is current legislation on burial practice and autopsy practice adequate? Are any other of your religious practices inhibited by law, procedural practice or policy (i.e. education or health)? Notice how belief again has disappeared from this question even though civil celebrants are involved now in very many funerals. 4. Security issues in the aftermath of September 11 1. (a) changes in federal and state laws It should be noticed that historically religious organisations are advantaged by many pieces of state and territory legislation concerning the governance of religious organisations. 2. physical security and civil liberties Positive recommendations from the Haneef inquiry should be adopted. 3. the relationship between law and religious or faith-based communities No comment. 4. (a) religious radicalism and political extremism Some. (b) risks Terrorism is a distinct possibility. 5. examples of social exclusion in regard to religion. Denial of Muslim schools in Sydney. However, the best possible policy to avoid exclusion would be to make secular primary education compulsory so children from all backgrounds mix and learn respect for each other. 5. The interface of religious, political and cultural aspirations 1 (a) interface between religion, politics, cultural aspirations Australia as a constitutional monarchy with a religious figure as head of state is a soft theocracy where the major religious traditions are multi-billion organisations with little or no accountability to citizens. Indigenous citizens have been the victims of Christian hegemony as illustrated in the report Bringing Them Home. (b) Issues this includes Australia should be a republic with a constitutional separation of church and state. The rights of aboriginal citizens could be formalised in a treaty in such a republic. 2. Tensions between aspirations Government should encourage free speech. 3. Gender in faith communities Clearly women are discriminated against in religious organisations 4. Equality of gender in faith communities as above. 5. the relationship between the right to gender equality and the right to religious freedom in Australia? Religion as a private belief should not override gender equality. 6. Citizenship and Australian values Australians only became citizens in 1984 when a citizenship act was passed. Before then we were Her Majestys Subjects. Multiculturalism is right in theory but it depends on how citizens are integrated from an early age. Again, primary secular education should be compulsory so children learn to respect and celebrate difference. 7. Reasonable expectations Compulsory voting should be maintained. There should be more civics education in schools. 8. Is there a role for religious voices alongside others in the policy debates of the nation? Of course. But as Barack Obama said in 2006: democracy demands that the religiously motivated translate their concerns into universal, rather than religion-specific, values. 6. Technology and its implications No comment on this section. 7. Religion, cultural expression and human rights 1. Satisfactory freedom Defamation law is too strict. It favours the plaintiff to such a degree that free speech is inhibited. 2. Service providers. No comment. 3. Cultural aspirations of indigenous. No comment. 5. Participation in the faith community for people with disabilities? No comment. 6. How is diverse sexuality perceived within faith communities? With some homophobia, especially the Catholic Church 7. How can faith communities be inclusive of people of diverse sexualities? By ignoring it as an issue. 8. Should religious organisations (including religious schools, hospitals and other service delivery agencies) exclude people from employment because of their sexuality or their sex and gender identity? No. This is blatant discrimination. 9. Environmental concerns. The future environment is the central problem facing humanity. We need every tax dollar we can gather to find scientific solutions to our many problems. If the religious were sincere about the environment they would voluntarily request an end to their tax-exempt status in order to aid the subsidisation of science for our collective benefit. 10. (a) Are there religious groups, practices and beliefs that you think are of concern to Australians? A survey would be required to answer this question adequately. (b) Should these be subjected to legislative control and should they be eligible for government grants and assistance? Citizens should be able to bring criminal and civil actions against a religious organisation that causes them psychological harm where that action is intentional. Conclusion: As stated above we are not confident the Freedom of Religion and Belief in the 21st Century project will adequately represent the secular viewpoint given our structural exclusion from participation. Nevertheless, we welcome this opportunity to make our views known and hope the project will make at least some attempt at recognising the views expressed here. 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