ࡱ> g dbjbjVV Br<r<\)r(r(5555555586Tl6\5Y`66(666888888HYJYJYJYJYJYJY$)\^XnY58888888888nY5566HY^9^9^9885656X^988HY^9^9NQ6PnҲ9"BQ*XY0YlQ*3_$9:3_TQ3_5Q8888^98888888888nYnY^9888888Y888888883_888888888888888888r( 4: Submission by Professor Mary Crock to the National Inquiry into 鱨վ in Immigration Detention [This submission is based on the authors revision of her oral testimony given to the Commission on 4 April 2014. Where appropriate, questions asked by Commissioner Professor Gillian Triggs have been replaced with headings.] I have been working around issues relating to asylum seekers and in particular children seeking asylum since 1989. One of my first jobs when I started as a lawyer was to work with a group called the Ecumenical Migration Centre Inc. I went from there to start the first legal centre in Victoria specialising in immigration and refugee law. It was called the Victorian Immigration Advice and Rights Centre (VIARC) and is now known as the Refugee and Immigration Legal Centre (RILC). It has a parallel centre here in Sydney (IARC). VIARC is one of my proudest achievements. The very first book I put together when I moved to Sydney in 1993 was on the detention of asylum seekers. The book is called Protection or Punishment? The detention of asylum seekers in Australia I think in many ways it was the experience of the children in detention who were my very early clients that lead me to become an academic. In recent years I think my most significant work has been around the issues of children in the asylum process. This came about when I was approached by some academics at Harvard University in the early years of the new millennium. We went on to do a big project called Seeking Asylum Alone that studied the experiences of unaccompanied children seeking protection as refugees in 3 countries: England, America and Australia. Australia sadly came out as the country that nobody wanted emulated. In the course of doing that research I travelled all over Australia and met very many asylum seeker children. Over the course of my career as a practitioner and as a researcher in fact I have informally adopted 2 children, one from Cambodia and one from Afghanistan. My collective experience has given me impeccable entrees into the asylum seeker community around Australia. I also have an acute awareness of what happens afterwards when the kids come out of detention. Ive seen the way theyve been treated in society. Ive seen the serial problems experienced when young refugees are unable to be reunited with any family. Sadly this can extend to domestic violence when the young people are unable to really understand the whole parenting business and so on. I am author of 2 reports that came out of the Seeking Asylum Alone project. In more recent years I gained support from the Australian Research Council to undertake research on children and young people looking at all aspects of refugee protection from resettlement, the Asylum process and settlement. There are 3 books forthcoming from that project. This has involved working very closely with the Department of Immigration over a number of years. The Department currently support a couple of my projects. I am very concerned whenever I make statements that I am accurate. I am also working very closely with the UNHCR both in Australia and in Geneva and around the world. I have a third project looking at refugees with disabilities, which I would like to mention as well. As I begin to make my substantive points, I would like to acknowledge 3 students who have been of great assistance to me. Ive had 3 amazing young students working with me in recent times. The first is Hannah Martin whos now left me to work at Ashurst Lawyers. I currently have Kate Bones as my principal research assistant and undergraduate Naomi Cooper has helped me as well. I formally acknowledge these 3 students/ former students. I have 6 points I would like to address. These are: (1) the worrying rise in the number of children being held in detention, including those held in detention for indefinite periods of time; (2) the enhanced screening procedures being used to rush children through status determination proceedings and then removal; (3) the guardianship of unaccompanied children, with the continuing unacceptable conflict of interest in the roles performed by the Minister for Immigration; (4) the arbitrariness of pre-transfer assessments and the cruelty of sending children to Nauru and Manus Island; (5) the impact of cancelling the Immigration Advice and Application Assistance scheme; and (6) the plight of asylum seekers with disabilities, some of whom are in detention. Numbers of 鱨վ in Detention On the numbers in detention and experiences in the detention centres, we have gone through the Senate Estimates Committee questions to collect and highlight relevant material. Unfortunately the questions that were asked in February are not yet available. We have however extracted the answers from November last year. I am particularly concerned about the incidents of self harm that are being recorded for children who are in detention. There are a number of children who have been in very long term indefinite detention. One point that I would make is when we were doing the Seeking Asylum Alone project, the phenomenon of children travelling alone to seek asylum was really just beginning globally. Australia at that time experienced a little under 300 children coming as solo asylum seekers. Today we have an avalanche in the numbers arriving. That poses enormous pressures for governments everywhere. This is not just a phenomenon for Australia its happening all around the world. In the US, just over 5000 cases were recorded in 2005-6. Last year that country experienced over 50000 children seeking asylum who presented as unaccompanied or separated children. In regard to whether asylum seekers are aware of our policies, in my experience, the short answer is yes and no. The children when they travel all have smartphones. Some have satellite phones. They are getting instructions from home; they are communicating with people at home who seem to be making the critical decisions about whether and when the children continue on their journey (by boat). Whoever is making those decisions seems to be aware of our policies. I visited a shelter last year in Indonesia where there were 100 unaccompanied children. The first thing they did when I sat down to chat with them was to pull out their phones and ask: will you friend me on Facebook? I said sure, no worries. They are very literate and they know whats going on to some extent. However, (with only one exception) all said they did what they were told. Enhanced Screening If the number suffering indefinite detention has to be my number one complaint, I am very concerned about the increasing use of enhanced screening procedures for unaccompanied children. Weve seen a number of Sri Lankan children being returned without being given any form of advice. In my early research on Seeking Asylum Alone I found that 100% of children who were not given assistance in appellate proceedings failed in their attempt to gain asylum. All of them, because they were stuck in Australia, eventually did get assistance. In every single one of those cases, after getting assistance, they were recognised as refugees. Today, the young Tamil asylum seekers are not so fortunate. They are being processed and removed before anyone knows what is going on. It has really come to the point that we are in breach of multiple human rights conventions, from the Convention on the Rights of the Child through to the Refugee Convention. We are refouling people in circumstances where there is no doubt that they belong to groups that typically include Convention refugees.Guardianship of unaccompanied children I would draw attention thirdly to the guardianship issues around unaccompanied children and in particular the conflicting responsibilities vested in the Minister for Immigration. The Committee on the Rights of the Child has criticised Australia very bluntly for the guardianship arrangements that we have here. The Convention on the Rights of a Child actually is uncompromising. Article 9 and Article 21, those are the two articles that make it clear that a guardian must act not just to ensure that the best interests of a child is a primary consideration - the best interests of the child becomes the paramount consideration. Theyre two unique parts in the CRC where the usual duty to uphold the best interest principle is actually made into a mandatory principle.We are in breach of the Convention on the Rights of a Child when we do anything that does not protect and care for the children who are presented to us. This is what the CRC demands of us. The role of the guardian at law is clear: the guardian must look out for the rights of the child, doing what can be done to ensure that the child is safe, secure and provided for. Where children are being selected for removal to Nauru and the power to order the removal is vested in the Minister as formal guardian the Minister must be acting in abrogation of his duty as guardian. It can never be in the interests of a child to be sent to a place where life is deprivation from start to finish, with no access to basic amenities, to education, to anything resembling a future. The long term detention of children inevitably involves abuse of human rights. It is inherently destructive of childrens lives, of their development as human beings. Our policies and practices are indefensible in light of the provisions of the CRC and of other human rights instruments. Theres no doubt in my mind that we are breaching basic obligations Australia has assumed under international law. I think if you go into the international community and you ask other people, we have authorities saying exactly that. I feel desperately sorry for the Departmental representatives who appeared this morning because they know that our laws and policies are in breach of Australias international obligations and a basic affront to human dignity. I know they get upset when I say that but I do feel sorry because they are good people trying to do their best in a terrible situation. In some ways, when I first began this research, there was much less knowledge and understanding of the impact that immigration detention has on children. We are now 30years into this process. When I started, I saw upwards of 40children born to the Cambodians we held in detention for over 4 years. I saw the little ones walking around the detention centres. They were applying passive deterrence measures, which meant that the kids had nothing. There was a table tennis table and 2 paddles. They had no education. They were not allowed books. The little kids were walking around like little old men and women because they knew they couldnt muck up. Thats what drove me to writing in the first place. Thirty years on, theres nothing we dont know about how detention affects these children. There is no excuse. When I did the research on Seeking Asylum Alone, we were still learning and there was genuine research still happening. Nothing has changed and everything has changed. In some ways we have gone backwards. Its worse because now we really have no excuse. Pre-transfer assessments We now have 20 unaccompanied minors on Nauru. They have been sent there because the Minister said you must include children amongst the transferees. It has been so random. It has to be arbitrary how these children are chosen. And its cruel, theres no doubt about that. Its cruel to choose any child but the choice ultimately has to be at arbitrary and random. You just feel so sorry for them. I am greatly opposed to sending any asylum seeker to either Nauru or Manus Island. What we do know about the people chosen for transfer suggests a very strong objective of deterrence. It is grotesque that with 6.5million Syrians displaced from Syria and roaming the world we have chosen for transfer 5 who sought asylum after arriving here by boat: 2 are now on Manus Island and 3 on Nauru. We have been offering voluntary repatriation to the 2 on Manus Island. Immigration Advice and Application Assistance scheme I have grave concerns about the cancellation of the assistance to those people who are being processed within Australia. Not giving irregular maritime arrivals assistance will result in people being rejected who are refugees. Our obligations under the Refugee Convention are not predicated on people being processed in a certain manner. They either are refugees or theyre not. We have a Government now who are playing semantics, saying Well, if theyve been rejected, theyre not refugees. That is really cynical. If you are not giving people the assistance they need to make proper claims then we will end up re-fouling refugees, theres no doubt about that.Asylum Seekers with Disabilities There are 3 children with whom I had some involvement before the change of Government. All had severe disabilities. Advocates managed to get them out of detention and I was just delighted when the young woman that MrsHoddinott mentioned is going to Holroyd was accepted into that school. These cases are relatively rare but they are really problematic. I am particularly concerned at the moment about a family who I have been approached to represent who is currently in the Blayden Point Detention Centre in Darwin. This is a family of deaf asylum seekers from Iran. I believe the Commissioner is already aware of them but the couple has an 18month-old child. There is nobody who can sign in their language. Keeping people with such special needs in detention, in a place where their basic human needs cannot be met seems to me to be absolutely in breach of the Refugee Convention and the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. So if something can be done to get them out of detention immediately that would be fantastic. Impact of Detention on 鱨վ when released into the community I think that refugee children tend to be very resilient. What they do manage to achieve astounds me. My experience is that they just need one person to really take them on and to say you can do it. Its the kids who fall through the cracks that I worry about. The ones who no one notices and who go without the help they need. Our policies at the moment unfortunately are such that unless you are fortunate enough to be taught by the likes of Holroyd High School or Underwood High School in Adelaide or Sunnybank in Brisbane you can easily fall through the cracks. One good thing about research I have done - as you move around the country, you get to meet the Dorothy Hoddinotts in each place. I thank God for them. They are such a blessing but they cant capture everybody and at the moment we have many children who are not getting the help they need. We have policies that for the first time in my lived experience seemed to be designed to create a sub-class in the society. These kids cant go home. If theyre from Iran, Iran wont take them back so they are not going anywhere. Why torture them? Why ruin their futures?Possible alternatives to the conflict and the role of the Minister for Immigration regarding guardianship of unaccompanied minors The problem we have here is political and the challenge is in trying to get the political will for this to happen. We couldnt persuade the Labor party to do it. I dont know what its going to take to persuade either party. We need to begin with a guardianship system that stands apart from the process of immigration and border control. The system needs to be one that determines what is in the interests of the child and then implements measures to ensure the protection and advancement of the child. There are so many models around the world that can be adopted. They have been well documented in the literature, including in work that I have had published since 1993 up to the book that I am preparing at the moment. To take one example England uses what they term a childrens panel, which involves a cross-disciplinary group of experts who examine the childs situation and recommend protective measures or placement. At the University of Sydney we ran a conference where we invited experts from the UK, America and Korea (home to the immediate past chair of the Committee on the Rights of the Child, Prof Yanghee Lee). They shared best interests determination mechanisms devised which have involved inter-disciplinary panels. These use different strategies to identify what the child needs so as to give voice to the child as we are required to do under Article 12 of the CRC. It is not possible to act in the best interest of a child unless you operate within an holistic system that respects the child first. Thats what the CRC demands.Age AssessmentsI think age assessments is one area where the Commission has had a big impact and perhaps my work also. This was a major aspect of the Seeking Asylum Alone report. We made a study of the age determination mechanisms being used in England and America and in Australia. We have come a long way from those days. It used to be that we would just x-ray the arm of the child looking for a growth plate on the bones. If the growth plate was absent we would say ohh, you have aged out. You are over 18. We dont do that anymore. We have followed much closer the mechanisms used in England, which involve an holistic assessment of a child that includes looking at cognitive functioning. It is sometimes very hard to determine age in refugee children, can I say. In countries where children are born into poverty and war the deprivations that they experience make their bodies age prematurely. I know that personally because the young man I adopted, his back looks like the back of a 60 year old. That is the product of poor nutrition and the deprivation he suffered. This is why the x-ray approach was such a poor option. I think they are doing a much better job with age determination. I am on the record as complaining because they give the 31st December as the date of birth, in cases where they didnt know the age. I described that as mean. I actually still stand by that even though a senior official from the Immigration Department has explained to me that the Department determines the age of a child and then they put the childs age back by one year and make the birthday the 31st December. 31st December means the child becomes one year older on 1 January, so you see, the child does not have the whole year. I still think its fairer to give them the 1st January as a date so its clear that you have the whole year. I would still put them back a year, I think thats a good idea. My overall complaint about the process is that the business of determining age remains hopelessly opaque. I was not aware of this detail of the process until I received a call from the Department. It should not be like that. They need to come out and tell us what they are doing. They are still making mistakes. You know its hard when you are out on Christmas Island in very pressured circumstances. Its hard to make age determinations. They are still making mistakes. They sent children to Manus Island and had to bring them back.I think the other point to make is that this arbitrary age of 18 is hideous. It really is. A vulnerable child is a vulnerable child and they stay vulnerable well into their 20s. There is a reason why insurance premiums go down at 25 and that is because by then young people are markedly more mature. I think that we should be adopting a much more flexible attitude as to what is vulnerability and what is childhood.Reasons for Australias lack of a comprehensive framework for the management of children in detention Under the former Labor Government, the Department of Immigration was tasked with doing exactly that. They did start working and Kate Popes position is testament to that. That they now have a designated person within the Department. They have a team of people working on childrens issues. That in itself is a massive step forward. Mind you, its just so counter intuitive to talk about frameworks for treatment of children in detention. They shouldnt be there. Period. That should be the end of the story. In truth, I think the last five years or so has been absolutely shambolic. With the number of irregular maritime arrivals coming in, the opportunity for people to stand back and have a reasoned approach has evaporated. It may be that now we have a bit of stability things could improve. Certainly the will is there within the Department to make something happen. We just have to persuade our politicians to allow it to happen.I am very interested to know what can happen in international law to try to push Australia forward. I think it is almost as though the two parties have gotten themselves wedged and if one relaxes and the other blinks then they go to pick on each other. I am on the record as saying that the volume of asylum boats coming to Australia was due in large measure to the rhetoric of governmental chaos and dysfunction that was generated by the Opposition. The message that Australias borders were open; that the government had lost control was a powerful message to send to smugglers and asylum seekers alike. It fascinates me that the very first thing the Coalition politicians did when they came to office was to shut down the news and to stop all the talk. The other point to be made is that I do not believe for a moment that the type of cruelty we are seeing in Australia (and in our offshore detention centres) deters anybody. If you look at the flow arrivals over time there is no evidence that these measures alone have ever deterred anyone. Detention has never deterred anybody. I do not think sending people offshore will ultimately deter anyone. What stops people are interdiction and turn back measures and that is what I think has always been the key factor in stopping the boats.Force and militarising the process is what is stopping the boats and the sooner people realise this the sooner we will see an end to the nonsense and cruelty. What ultimately bothers me most as a lawyer is the extent to which notions of legality and basic humanity have been lost in the theatrics of domestic fear politics. They have been playing to peoples worst instincts.Conclusion I commend to you a chapter that I have written for a forthcoming book with Hannah Martin. Its called First things First: Protecting the Best Interests of 鱨վ and Young Persons in Asylum Processes. We make the point there that the CRC gives you a blue print for identifying and upholding the rights of children. The Committee on the Rights of the Child have made the point very plainly that these rights are fundamental and they are not to be prioritised. We need a system that gives voice to the child; that allows the child some advocacy, some agency. We have to promote their health, their wellbeing. We have to allow their development. Now that means for me, if you are going to keep the children in detention, you must have a system of education that is not going to completely stifle the childs growth. If you did that, you would actually make the environment in the detention centres much more liveable as well. So I actually think that we need to ask the question: if children are in detention what are we doing with them? How they are being educated; the extent to which they are being allowed to play a critical part of childhood that is intrinsic to development - are absolutely critical questions. We cannot allow them to just rot there.       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