ࡱ> MOFGHIJKLg bjbjVV or<r<(""||tQ$===HQJQJQJQJQJQJQ$SVVnQ=)8===nQ||aQLLL=|HQL=HQLLVP@(l Qr[DvP 4QQ0QQ VJV QV Q(==L=====nQnQL===Q====V=========" B: 7th. ANNUAL LALOR ADDRESS ON COMMUNITY RELATIONS 127TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE BATTLE OF THE EUREKA STOCKADE 3 December, 1981 National Library Theatre Canberra, Australia 127th ANNIVERSARY OF THE BATTLE OF THE EUREKA STOCKADE Papers presented at the 7th Annual Lalor Address on Community Relations held at National Library Theatre Canberra on 3 December 1981 Commissioner for Community Relations Canberra  Members of the Community Relations staff attending the Lalor Community Relations Address Lecture 1981. PROGRAM Official Welcome The Hon. A.J. Grassby Australian Commissioner for Community Relations Human Rights in Australia The Hon Mr Justice Lionel K Murphy of the High Court of Australia The Irish in Multicultural Australia Ms Clare Dunne Foundation Director of Radio Ethnic Australia The Eureka Stockade the Greek Connection Ms Terpsichore Kapiniaris Senior Advisor, Language and Multicultural Centre Education Department of South Australia  CHOIR The Melrose High School Choir, conducted by Ms. Cheryl Pederson and accompanied by Ms. Rosalie Hannink. OFFICIAL WELCOME BY THE HONOURABLE A J GRASSBY COMMISSIONER FOR COMMUNITY RELATIONS Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen This is the seventh in the series of Annual Lalor Addresses on Community Relations and in some ways, it represents a watershed in this commemoration which wa's instituted on December 3, 1975. I mention that this year's address and commemoration constitute a watershed because in the past twelve months particularly there has emerged a view that there is something shameful about Eureka and its traditions. I had long thought that Australia had outgrown the colonial cringe which led to the traditions of Eureka being suppressed and ignored for so long. It was not considered proper in colonial times for Australians to display a sense of independence, of self-reliance and indeed any pride in being identified with the cause of Australia as a nation rather than a distant colony of a far-flung empire. I believe those who want to ignore our history or see it merely as a foot note to Empire and reserve the terms "loyalty" and "patriotism" for the Imperial past are out of step with the times and the majority of the Australian people. It is also a watershed because it commemorates the six years work by the Commissioner for Community Relations and my Office since its establishment on October 31, 1975. We came into being as a result of Australia ratifying the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. We have joined 108 nations around the world in outlawing racial discrimination and also pledging to carry out programs of education, information and other community activity to combat bigotry and racism, and to building unity and amity in the society. It has been part of my legislative responsibility to undertake these tasks and it seemed to me six years ago that the great imperative for Australia in these times is to build a sense of unity and amity. In looking at the history of Australia, the Battle of the Eureka Stockade emerged as the first great coming together of people in Australia of all backgrounds in a common cause. I believe the history of Australia, when it is properly and adequately taught, provides the greatest lesson we can learn about creating unity out of diversity. In the past year we have seen how the First Fleet brought people to Australia on January 26, 1788 from every continent on earth: soldiers from England and Germany, seamen from Britain, Europe and Asia, and prisoners of a dozen different backgrounds. It came as a surprise when the manifest for the First Fleet, which was published widely only this year, included a contingent of West Indians, one of whom became the first ferry master in Sydney and gave his name to one of its best landmarks, and the other became the nation's first bushranger. This was the start but it could not be described as a voluntary coming together. That had to wait until December 3, 1854 when people from the far corners of the earth came together in a comradeship which took them through battle, defeat and then to the building of a new nation in peace and tranquility. As I pointed out in my official welcome to this ceremony in 1975, the objective of the Annual Lalor Address is to promote the principles enshrined in the Racial Discrimination Act and the United Nations Convention against All Forms of Racial Discrimination. It was one of Australia's greatest jurists, Sir John Nimmo, CBE, 0 St J, who in delivering the inaugural address pointed out and I quote his words: "The diggers of Eureka brought with them the colour and traditions of England, Wales, Scotland, Ireland, Germany, America, Canada, and other countries among which was Italy, which gave Peter Lalor his first lieutenant, viz. Raffaello Carboni, a patriot of Australia and Italy, the centenary of whose death in Rome in 1875 we also commemorate here today. By submerging their ethnic differences and by exhibiting a willingness to make the supreme sacrifice in pursuit of fundamental social concepts they displayed a spirit of collaboration amongst diverse human elements which we should aspire to emulate. We honour Lalor for his fight for the things we have come to cherish. We commemorate Eureka because for the first time in Australian history men of many nationalities and backgrounds made common cause to win and preserve fundamental human rights". It is against this background today that we come together and draw inspiration from the events of Eureka. There is another mark of the watershed - in the New Year a new battle will be fought but this time not at Eureka but in the High Court of Australia. It arises from the challenge by the Queensland Government to the validity of the Racial Discrimination Act. If the Act is held to be valid then there will be a great deal of housecleaning to be carried out, particularly in the state of Queensland. If it is held to be invalid then the greater part of Australia will be denied the protection of the Racial Discrimination Act and to overcome that and to fulfil our international obligation there would need to be either new national legislation or a referendum or both. But to paraphrase Abraham Lincoln it would be tragically wrong to leave one half of Australia with rights to equality and justice and the other half subject to denial and discrimination. A fourth mark of the watershed this year is the fact that the Human Rights Commission comes into being and absorbs my Office. The next 12 months will demonstrate whether the past six years of our work will form the basis of further programs or will be blown away in a bureaucratic whiny-whiny however well intended. Before I introduce the distinguished speakers this evening I would like to reiterate my plea of previous years that the Eureka flag, a symbol of our history, should not be allowed to become the exclusive use of any one group in our society. It is part of the heritage of all Australians and I would like to see it gazetted as an official flag of the Australian people which on Eureka Day each year can be flown with pride everywhere to symbolise the first time we came together in a common cause in this continent. The original flag was hoisted at Bakery Hill in Ballarat on November 30, 1854 by Peter Lalor. Today in Ballarat, the scene of the Battle, there flies twenty-four hours a day, the largest Eureka flag flown anywhere in Australia, which was hoisted on December 3, 1979 by Peter Lalor III, grandson of the President and Commander-in-Chief of the diggers' forces. In his full uniform as an officer of the Victoria Police Force, he hoisted the flag and proclaimed that he would have taken his place with his grandfather in the circumstances which reigned at that time. The description by Raffaello Carboni of the hoisting of the flag, said this: 'The 'Southern Cross' was hoisted up the flagstaff - a very splendid pole, eighty feet in length, and straight as an arrow. This maiden appearance of our standard, in the midst of armed men, sturdy, self-overworking gold-diggers of all languages and colours, was a fascinating object to behold. There is no flag in old Europe half so beautiful as the 'Southern Cross'. Captain Ross, of Toronto, was the bridegroom of our flag, and sword in hand, he had posted himself at the foot of the flagstaff, surrounded by his rifle division". I mention Carboni refers to Captain Ross of Canada and I want to recall his name today because I have just returned from Canada as the guest of the Government to commemorate the 10th anniversary of their introduction of multiculturalism as a policy. I was able to thank Canada for many inspirations and among them the example of Captain Ross who helped design the flag, fight for rights and liberty with his fellow diggers and be the first man to die in the cause. Australians have 140 different backgrounds; each and every one can be inspired by the events of Eureka which we remember today. I am pleased to welcome in a special way and for the first time, Mr Brian Murray of the Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs. It was his suggestion in 1975 that there should be an annual Community Relations lecture and that Peter Lalor should give his name to it as an outstanding example of bringing people of many backgrounds together. I want to publicly acknowledge for the first time his historic suggestion. I also want to extend the warmest of welcomes to two special guests from Queensland. Canon John Warby of Rockhampton, has led the fares of tolerance in that city for a long time and his work with my Office has been outstanding in tackling racial discrimination and bigotry. I salute Canon Warby and all associated with him in the important Queensland provincial city of Rockhampton. I associate with the welcome Mrs Pam Jones, secretary of the Consultative Committee on Community Relations in the capital city of Brisbane. Her work and the work of the Committee has made a significant contribution to the peaceful resolution of conflict and disharmony. The Brisbane work can provide an excellent example to many other communities throughout Australia and I thank and commend them all. I also want to welcome Mr Peter Bailey, Deputy Chairman of the Human Rights Commission who I look forward to working with in the year ahead. This year's Opening Address will be given by the Hon Mr Justice Lionel Keith Murphy of the High Court of Australia. Judge Murphy has had a distinguished career which spans: Justice of the High Court of Australia since 1975; . Senator for New South Wales 1962-75 Leader of Opposition in Senate 1967-72 Leader of the Government in the Senate, Attorney-General of Australia, Minister for Customs and Excise 1972-75; . Member of the Federal Executive and Federal Conference Australian Labour Party 1967-75; . Admitted to the NSW Bar 1947; Victoria 1958; QC New South Wales 1960; Victoria 1961; . Member of Executive of Australian Section International Commission of Jurists since 1963; Delegate to UN Conference on Human Rights, Tehran 1968; Represented Australia at the International Committee of Justice Nuclear Tests Case 1973-74; . Attended Commonwealth Law Ministers Conference 1973; Initiated reforms in family, consumer protection, anti-trust legal aid, civil liberties. I salute him tonight also as the Father of Australian anti-discrimination legislation. He drafted the legislation, battled for its passage into law and he saw it come to fruition as a unanimous Act of the Australian Parliament, endorsed again unanimously for a second time this year. It was under that Act that I was appointed and have worked for the past six years. The second address will be given by Miss Clare Dunne who was the foundation director of Radio Ethnic Australia. It was due to her expertise, her patience and dedication that we were able to launch two premier radio stations in Sydney and Melbourne in 1975 in eight community languages other than English and lay the foundation for ethnic broadcasting today in 52 languages and for the subsequent introduction of multicultural television. It speaks volumes for her directorship that the two undeveloped stations ran on a budget of $48,000 for three months and held an audience of more than one million listeners. But Clare Dunne's contribution is more than in ethnic radio. She has beena beautiful and entrancing star of Australian films, a broadcaster of great note, a writer and researcher and above all, she has made a fundamental contribution to the Irish rennaissance in Australia which we have seen in the past five years. She has been part of the first audio visual presentation for schools in Irish and English which we have seen in Australia for 200 years. She was the driving force behind the Irish Ethnic Radio programme which now attracts so many people and has given so much pleasure around Australia. Her recent work with Aboriginal people and film producing will be unveiled in triumph in the year ahead. Clare Dunne's researches into the Irish cultural contribution to Australia has helped us understand better our own roots as Australians in the last nigh 200 years. The distinguished third member of the trinity this evening is Miss Terpsichore Kapiniaris who is Senior Adviser, Language and Multicultural Centre, Education Department of South Australia, and who has been special consultant on education to my Office for six years. Miss Kapiniaris is one of the pioneers of the concept of multicultural education and bi-lingualism particularly in our primary schools. She was part of a small, dedicated band of teachers at Kilkenny Primary School in South Australia which first developed many of the approaches to bi-lingual education which are now to be found in other states and territories in Australia. As a young teacher ten years ago, she was applying her experience and demonstrating how the Australian primary school could be a vital community centre, bringing together all Australians of many backgrounds. Although her own speciality lies with the Greek language, she also carries English as her equal first language, Italian, French, and in her official capacity in South Australia she has not only been instrumental in introducing Greek into many primary schools, but has assisted with Italian and Yugolsav languages and has the distinction of being the inspirer of the only Irish language and cultural teaching in a day-school anywhere in Australia. As special consultant to the Office she has worked with me to help initiate a whole series of conferences held across the nation from Perth to Hobart to Sydney to Brisbane to pioneer the concept of eduCation for a multicultural society. As an Australian teacher she has carved for herself a unique role in education in Australia in the development not only of techniques but material and curricula and I take the opportunity tonight to salute her for her work and to thank her for her contribution for the pioneering of better community relations in Australia.  With the Commissioner, Mr Brian Murray whose suggestion for our annual Lalor Address the Commissioner accepted in 1975, and two of the speakers at the 1 981 commemoration, Ms Terpsichore Kapiniaris and Ms Clare Dunne. HUMAN RIGHTS IN AUSTRALIA by The Hon Mr Justice Lionel K_Murphy of the High Court of Australia The security of fundamental rights and freedoms is essential for the development of human personality and of civilisation. This century has witnessed the greatest recognition of what human rights are. It has also witnessed the greatestever denial of human rights. There have been political and religious massacres, genocide, apartheid and other racial discrimination, forced labour, deprivation of political rights, arbitrary arrest, confiscation of property, detention without trial, imprisonment on a large scale for vague political offences. The Second World War showed that the enjoyment of human rights in every nation was essential for the avoidance of future wars. What was once only of national concern is now international. The United Nations Charter 1945 proclaims that one of its purposes is to achieve international co-operation in providing and encouraging respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms for all, without restriction. One of the achievements of the United Nations has been to develop the principles of equality and essential dignity of everyone in a series of comprehensive international instruments which are together described as the International Bill of Rights. The first of these was the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, its 33rd anniversary will occur on December 10. The Universal Declaration proclaims in its first Article that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights and Article 2 provides that everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set out in the Declaration, without distinction of any kind, including discrimination on grounds of race, colour or national origin. The International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination was adopted by the United Nations in 1965. This Convention recognises that any doctrine of superiority based on racial differentiation is scientifically false, morally condemnable, socially unjust and dangerous and without any justification. Most countries have become parties to the Convention. The United Nations has placed high priority on the advancement of measures for the elimination of racial discrimination in its human rights program. The General Assembly of the United Nations approved a program for the observance of 1971 as the International Year for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination and in 1973 declared a Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination. The Australian Racial Discrimination Act 1975 implements into Australian law most but not all of the obligations contained in the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. It makes racial discrimination unlawful in Australia. It omits prohibitions and sanctions against organisations which promote and incite racial discrimination, and dissemination of ideas based on the superiority of one race or group of persons of one colour or ethnic origin. The Racial Discrimination Act includes the concept of conciliation and the settlements of differences between racial groups. This approach has wide acceptance here and overseas. An agreement between the parties to a dispute can often have advantages not available in a judicial decree. Positive and lasting solutions to the problems created by racial tensions are often best achieved by the conciliation process. The Racial Discrimination Act was a first but essential step in providing measures for the elimination of racial discrimination in Australia and for the guarantee of rights without discrimination on grounds of race. Since 1975 the Hon A J Grassby, Commissioner for Community Relations, has played an important role in making the Australian community aware of the existence of racial discrimination and in following up complaints lodged with him alleging infringements of the provisions of the Act. His Annual Reports form an important part of the history of community relations in Australia; they are clear and vigorous, like his actions in the field; they have earned him great respect and almost universal, if sometimes qualified, approval. His reports show that dissemination of ideas of racial superiority and similar propaganda based on racial prejudice creates ill-feeling and tensions within the Australian community. He gives many examples. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights was adopted in 1966, came into force in 1976 and was ratified by Australia on 13 August 1980. The Human Rights Commission Act, introduced by the Attorney-General, Senator the Hon P D Durack Q.C., establishes a Commission which will help Australia to discharge its obligations under the Covenant, particularly in the protection of individuals. The legislation's primary task is to promote an awareness of human rights throughout the community, and the observance of those rights. The Commission, which will commence on 10 December, Human Rights Day, will inquire into and where possible settle disputes. It will also work to promote understanding and acceptance of human rights in Australia. It will undertake research and educational programs. Its activities are limited to Commonwealth activities, practices or thoseunder Commonwealth law. One of the most important functions is to examine Commonwealth laws and (when requested by the Minister) proposed laws to see whether they observe human rights, and to report on this to the Minister. It may also report on what laws should be made or action taken to advance human rights. When the Commission commences operations, which is expected to be during the first half of next year, it will assume overall responsibility for implementing the provisions of the Racial Discrimination Act. However, the Commissioner for Community Relations will have the responsibility, subject to any direction the Commission may issue, to investigate and resolve complaints under the Racial Discrimination Act. The Commissioner will concentrate on this important area of his work, while the Commission assumes responsibilities for promotion, research and education as part of its broader functions in these areas, and having in mind the responsibilities of other bodies. The Attorney-General has expressed his confidence that the Commission will support Commissioner Grassby so that his undoubted effectiveness in dealing with complaints of discrimination will continue. The Human Rights Commission and other agencies, State or private, concerned with human rights in Australia, will not be idle. Australia has no Federal or State Bill of Rights. But there are several guarantee clauses in the federal Constitution. One guarantees that the trial on indictment of any offence against any law of the Commonwealth shall be by jury. Our High Court has consistently held that there is no obligation to make even the most serious crimes indictable, so that the guarantee can easily be avoided. Two great justices Dixon and Evatt described this interpretation as making a "mockery of the Constitution". I have agreed with them. Although most serious crime is tried by jury, the trend is towards reducing it because it is expensive and inconvenient to administrators. Yet trial by jury is one of the most important methods by which civil and political rights can be preserved. It is the method by which the people partcipate in the judical process. It is their avenue for influencing the laws. Juries have over the centuries influenced the law greatly. Many of the early convicts were transported to Australia instead of being executed because merciful juries refused to implement laws which they considered barbarous. When stealing over 40 shillings meant death, English juries would find a person guilty of stealing 10 sovereigns, which they valued at 39 shillings. The tradition of refusal to apply a law, where the application is seen to be unjust, continues, as we saw in South Australia a few days ago. Another guarantee is s.116 which states "The Commonwealth shall not make any law for establishing any religion, or for imposing any religious observance or for prohibiting the free exercise of any religious observance". Early this year our Court decided that the effect of the clause was quite different to the somewhat similar clauses in the constitutions of other countries, that it did not provide a separation between church and state and that it did not prohibit Commonwealth funding of church schools. I was the dissenter, I am not here to criticise the decision. But it also reveals that the clause is much narrower than religion clauses elsewhere. Most human rights have no constitutional guarantee. This means no guarantee. Let me give an example. The right to legal representation of anyone accused of serious crime is regarded in most countries, even the most backward, as essential to ensure fundamental human rights of life and liberty. In 1854 an Amercian Court said "It is not to be thought of, in a civilised community, for a moment, that any citizen put in jeopardy of life or liberty, should be debarred of counsel because he was too poor to employ such aid. No court could be respected, or respect itself, to sit and hear such a trial". That view has been adopted at the highest levels in the United States; in other countries which have Billsof Rights. There is no such right in Australia. Our courts regard assistance to counsel as a privilege. If a poor person cannot get legal aid, courts in recent times have forced them to trial on major crimes. The practice was endorsed last year in the case of McInnis, who was forced to trial without benefit of counsel. He was convicted of rape and sentenced to 6 years imprisonment (the maximum is life imprisonment). As far as I know he is still in prison. It is not an isolated case. He was too poor to afford counsel. In most countries that could not happen. There are many other examples of denial of human rights in Australia. Discrimination against women in public affairs has been practised so long and so assiduously that we do not notice it. Take the judiciary. There is not and never has been a woman on the High Court. There is not, and never has been, a woman on the Federal Court (or its predecessors) or in the Supreme Courts of New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, Western Australia or Tasmania. There is one on the Supreme Court of South Australia. In the Family Court of Australia the Chief Judge and only a few of the judges are women. Similar discrimination exists in the legislatures, federal and state. The public services, federal and state, are the same. There is a massive discrimination against women in legislative, executive and judicial branches of government, occurring over many years. Perhaps the most blatant example of racial discrimination in Australia is that which affects Aboriginals. This was shown by studies notably by one, under the editorship of Mr F S Stevens entitled "Racism - The Australian Experience". These and later studies show that open prejudice might be witnessed daily through the country and that Australians of European origin are prepared to employ a different standard of social, political, economic and legal behaviour which applies to individuals of different genetic origin from that which they would apply to people of their own kind. I understand that it is contemplated that the Human Rights Commission will embark upon a serious study of attitudes towards Aboriginal people in country areas. Aborigines are the poorest of the poor in our community. It is clear that past wrongs against Aborigines must be put right and that special measures must be provided. Aborigines are making their presence felt. They are more vocal, more visable, more militant. This is a reflection of their upward movement, which the community should welcome. Their modest successes are overdue. The changing of community attitudes and the promotion of understanding, tolerance and friendship among racial or ethnic groups will form an extremely important part of any program for the elimination of racial discrimination. For too long has Australia isolated itself from these problems. It will be necessary for Governments and the community to increase their awareness of the complexity of race relations. Australia must approach this problem with a sense of national unity to ensure that prejudice and racialism do not form any part of our national identity. Anti-discrimination laws cannot operate in a vacuum. They must be accompanied by positive Government programs designed to bridge the gaps that result in racial tension. These programs must enlist the support of the community because public awareness and the changing of community attitudes will be of vital importance. Peter Lalor's part in the Eureka stockade made him an Australian hero. The Eureka stockade was a great event. It welded together people of many origins in a climactic struggle for dignity and justice. Irish, Italians, Germans, English, Welsh, Canadians, Americans, and other joined a common cause against oppression. The lesson of Peter Lalor, Eureka Stockade and many other struggles is that men and women will not submit to oppression. If their basic human rights are not secured by law, not only in theory but also in practice, then they will break the law, and that is their fundamental right as human beings. A Bill of Rights will help to secure basic rights, of speech, of association and so on. It produces a nation of right asserting citizens. It is essential to the security of every man and woman. As Jefferson said "A Bill of Rights is what the people are entitled to against every government on earth". THE IRISH IN MULTICULTURAL AUSTRALIA by Ms Clare Dunne Foundation Director of Radio Ethnic Australia The event we commemorate today, Eureka Stockade, was a bloody half-hour in 1854 which changed the character of Australia. It was a multicultural revolt which achieved its aims of immediate practical reforms. It also forced the authorities to give a voice by way of voting rights to a group of people previously held outside the arena of power. Its elected leader was an Irishman, Peter Lalor, later to become an elected member of the Victorian Parliament and Speaker of the House. It was not the first time the Irish had sought to establish an influence other than colonial British in Australia and it wasn't the last. Two other examples are the first armed uprising on Australian soil, the Castle Hill convict rebellion of 1804, which they lost, and the anti-conscription referendum campaigns of 1916 and 1917 in which they twice played a major role in creating an avenue for a national Australian statement of will and not that of a colony. The Irish were not always held in the high regard they no doubt felt to be their due. Professor Patrick O'Farrell, Professor of History at Sydney University, has written that 'open discrimination was practised as late as the 1890s; more discreet discrimination was continued until much more recent times". Certainly the newspapers didn't take kindly to the idea of a national convention of Irish/Australian societies in 1883. The Sydney Morning Herald wrote "Irish Australian it cannot be because an Irish Australian is a creature of whom we cannot possibly conceive". The Age in Melbourne said "We are Englishmen, and this is an English colony...We do not intend to let a handful of Foreigners if they will have themselves so, impugn our loyalties to the hard-won traditions of race". Up to at least the 1920s there were employment ads in the papers which said "No Irish need apply" and "No Catholics need apply"; in those days in Australia the two were often synonymous. On the educational scene, although the Irish have always been at least a quarter of the total population, Irish history has never officially been taught in the general History syllabus in the schools. Very often it was taught unofficially in religious teaching classes. Irish determination to have avenues for its own voice shows up clearly in the role of institutions like the Labor Party, the Catholic Church and the trade union movement in this country. In assessing the contribution of the Irish to Australia, Professor Patrick O'Farrell credits them with, among other things, laying the foundations for a pluralist society, an open and varied society against the demand for homogeneity, a closed uniform one. Now the curious thing is the Irish, having set the scene for pluralism, once the multicultural explosion in Australia started after the War, was not often heard of as a distinct force of its own. The decline in Irishness by the Irish here began as a disillusionment with the civil war in Ireland which occurred after 26 of the 32 Irish counties won independence from the British in 1921. The numbers of Irish born migrants in Australia went down also. And the Irish have never had the same public opportunities here for keeping in touch with their home culture as the English. The media is Anglo owned. British politics, culture and personalities get plenty of public play. We mostly hear about the North of Ireland, racially degrading jokes and maybe a bit of stage Irish. The South may as well not exist. The result is many of the Irish here are out of touch with their roots or frozen into attitudes decades past their time. So the next stages of the battle for a multicultural or pluralist Australian society was fought by the wave of immigrants now known collectively as the ethnics. One big breakthrough for them was the establishment of ethnic radio in 1975, seven languages in Sydney, eight in Melbourne to broadcast programmes of their own languages and cultures prepared by themselves, an experiment designed to prove a need and run on a minute total budget of $49,000 and administered in the beginning by one and a bit persons. That was my own introduction to conscious multiculturalism. The person who brought me in as Foundation Director of 2EA and 3EA is the man who more than anybody in Australia articulated the position of the ethnics before they had developed spokespeople of their own, Mr Al Grassby, Commissioner of Community Relations whose own mother, Margaret Lily Foley, was Irish. So _there was an influence behind the scenes that was Irish, but there that influence remained. The focus was on the ethnics doing their own thing. I well remember the doubt and the fear of controversy that existed in sections of each political party at the idea of the experiment. Here were ethnics going on air talking in their own languages which nobody else could understand and therefore couldn't control. We made sure as a result of co-operation with each group that factional controversies were not aired. We concentrated on proving the need for ethnic radio as a whole. I well remember the enthusiasm, the pioneering spirit, the pioneering conditions and the overwhelming response. The reaction was a highly emotional one as people heard what was a bit of themselves broadcast on public airwaves mostly for the first time. Probably my favourite story is of the Turkish man who was travelling by car down the very crowded Parramatta Road in Sydney on a Saturday morning. He was twiddling the knobs of the radio and suddenly heard to his astonishment some very familiar sounds. It was too much for him. He got out of his car, raised his arms and danced about the packed traffic-way crying out "That's my language, that's my music". We all shed a few tears together when that story came in, and again with the many who wrote saying they didn't have to go back home now because "with the radio Australia is home". Now there are 52 languages and cultures on the EA stations. Even then I felt that the Irish should be included in the expansion (along with the Scottish, Welsh and the Aborigines), and I made a few noises to that effect. If the other languages and cultures were to be preserved and expressed why not the oldest in the country both before and after colonialism. And we also need the bridging effects between old and new that ethnic radio affords. For the benefit of those who don't know many of the early Irish settlers in Australia spoke only Gaelic. English did not come into widespread use in Ireland till after the Great Famine of the mid 1840s, and then only for socio-economic reasons. Today about 55,000 people in Ireland still speak Gaelic as a first language, 800,000 describe themselves as bilingual and everybody educated in Ireland learns the language at school. Even when we do speak English the manner and construction of it is often our own due to the substratum of Gaelic which underlies it. Members of all those groups come out to Australia. So, thinking we were as entitled to be on EA as anybody else, I got a committee together and applied for bilingual airtime. And what did we find? We found that no was the answer. We found the Irish were not regarded as ethnics. We had become what is known as Anglomorphs, which must be one of the most inelegant and least descriptive terms I've ever not wanted to belong to. Perhaps if it was Anglo-Murphs you might be able to identify. But no, "Anglo-morph" is the name of what is also called the 'core culture' these days. As it was coined by a well-known ethnic I have wondered if he was having a sly joke on the Establishment but I have the feeling it is rather a heavy attempt to find a name that implies a homogeneity of background of 75% of the Australian that doesn't exist. "Anglo-Celt" is another such attempt. The terms "Anglo" and "Celt" have always meant difference in their homelands. And "Celt" on its own is no measure of sameness either. There are similarities and there are also considerable differences in outlook, values, priorities, cultures and languages between the Irish, Scottish and Welsh, Celts though they all be. You have only to look at Northern Ireland which is full of Irish and Scottish Celts who presently show up their differences in division rather than diversity. Anyway the negative answer we got from 2EA was not unanimous. The State Ethnic Broadcasting Advisory Committee which was full of ethnics agreed to airtime for the Irish. It was management which wasn't full of ethnics which decided no. So with 50% of the battle won we stayed knocking at the door for two years while the station stalled and obfuscated with a series of changing tactics. Late 1980 we were told the Irish would be referred to the newly formed Australian Institute of Multicultural Affairs so they could investigate to see if we were ethnics. While we were fighting in Sydney and later in Melbourne the Irish in Brisbane and Perth got their own programmes without any difficulty on 4EB and 6NR. Publicity in December 1980 found us in protest on the front page of the Sydney Morning Herald to which the editorial column had this to say "The Irish identity is a central part of what, for convenience, is described as the English cultural heritage, a hybrid composed of the contributions of all who have shared the English tongue". Shades of 1883. Well, we won at last and have been going strong in Sydney for six months now with a bilingual programme, but only barely there with one hour per month as our allotment - so far. Melbourne has not yet been informed it has a programme time. Incidentally, inadvertently along the way, we paved the way for the admission of the Scots, Laotians, Sinalese and the Maoris. Well now I'm on the opposite side of the EA fence as the co-ordinator and sometimes broadcaster of the Irish Gaelic programme. And what do I observe from this doublesided vantage point? I observe ethnic broadcasters and co-ordinators of 52 languages and cultures getting to the heart of their communities. I also observe a public service staff and management superstructure of considerable size backing up the core. Between the two I observe, sadly, a chasm that has been described in terms of "mutual distrust". I hear of the broadcasters being described as amateurs who are not to be trusted with decision making and responsibility. I hear the broadcasters description of an "Anglo public service" management feeling threatened and hanging on to control. The terms in which the gaps are spoken of are exactly the same that have been used in the Aboriginal field. They would suggest that difference and diversity has gained ground to the middle echelons of society but the battle for top power, policymaking,and its implementation has yet to be won. Ethnic leaders at the recent inaugural biennial meeting of the Australia Institute of Multicultural Affairs remarked that political policies and statements about multicultural affairs are being made now at the highest level in a way that "would have been political suicide" even five years ago. Nevertheless the reins are still firmly in the hands of the "dominant core culture" with its implications of non negotiability beyond a point that disturbs either the dominance or the "core". So where do the Irish stand in all this? Many times I've heard the ethnics say "the Irish are not awake to themselves as a force", and I'm afraid I have to agree with them. We do not know much about the Irish as a distinct group these days. To a very large extent when statistics are gathered the Irish are lumped in with the British and defined as "U.K. and Eire" together as if there is no difference in their points of view. Maybe there isn't but how are we to know if there is an Irish body of opinion if it is never canvassed for itself? I can think of several questions that could be asked to test that out. should Australia become a republic? should Prince Charles become Governor General? should Catholic schools be subsidised by the Government? It is very hard even to find out how many people of Irish stock there are here. Census statistics have often shown that we don't really exist. I recently picked up Volume 1 of the "Australian Heritage" series published by Lansdown Press (2nd edition 1981) to find that on page 24 which lists a breakdown of population figures from 1901 to today the Irish are not mentioned once. The Americans, Jews, New Zealanders, Chinese, some Europeans and others are but not the Irish. Even the Aborigines are mentioned by way of asterisk even though they didn't figure in any census until after the 1967 referendum which gave them permission to exist in the records. I'm presuming the Irish are included in the British figures but how am I to know? And why should we be when we've had independence since 1921 and we've been out of the Commonwealth since 1949? Mind you the Scottish and Welsh are not mentioned either but they are in a different political situation. There are some things we do know about the Irish in Australia today however. Too often they are presented as stereotypes or looked on with affection but in a stage Irish way. They suffer from the constant dose of North of Ireland war publicity and lack of intelligence Irish jokes which present a negative image to the general public and a negative self-image to the Irish. They also suffer from the lack of public contact with the 20 year old revival of Irish culture and confidence in the South of Ireland which could help correct the negativities. Some by the distortions of closeup focussed on too few areas as a racial image and are ashamed of being Irish or try to be more Anglo than the Anglos or become plasticised non-identities or become fixed in ancient feudal attitudes that become fanatical or racist. On the positive side there is a revival of interest in Irishness by those who are proud of their heritage and culture. They are intent on making sure its richness is preserved and presented to as wide an audience as is fed by it. They are also intent on making sure the Irish are included as a distinct entity amongst the many in Australia. We have found on ethnic radio that, by presenting a good programme we have overcome some of the attitudes expressed by our own before it began that "if its Irish it can't be good". We now get letters and calls to say we're proud to be Irish. We also get calls like the one from a woman to the station at midnight after the show "It was fantastic. I'm fourth generation Australian but when I heard the programme tonight I realise I'm Irish". Perhaps these and other public presentations of positive Irishness will help to contribute to a reawakened sense of Irish consciousness. If the Irish did awaken and look around they might see that they are the natural bridge between the multiculturals their ancestors paved the way for and the Anglos with whom they have lived so much longer. I have also found that my Irish background was a big help in making contact with Aboriginal people all over the country in my last professional assignment. The Irish have historic and personality characteristics in common which make the bridge. The Anglomorphs might not be overjoyed at losing the Murphs out of their morphs because it narrows "dominant core culture" majorities. And if the Scottish and Welsh followed suit? Then we might be able to see that we are all ethnics in Australia. English ethnics might realise that cricket, Royalty, British television and politics is their way of keeping in touch with their own background and reflecting it in another land the same as we all wish to do. And then we might stop talking about "dominant core cultures" which newcomers must forever accept and maybe modify. You can't dominate and share. Pluralism and multiculturalism and unity in diversity are the opposite of the dominance. Anyway what is the core culture of Australia really? The core culture is Aboriginal, dominated by the Anglos, modified by the Irish, adopting in part American political institutions, further changed by the vast 27% mix known as the ethnics, and always anyway being modified by the manner in which it is used. Not until we arrive at a total picture can we achieve multiculturalism and not until we reflect diversity at all levels will there be a truly Australian nation. And I hope my lot will be in there helping stir the multicultural stew. THE EUREKA STOCKADE - THE GREEK CONNECTION by Ms Terpsichore Kapiniaris Senior Advisor, Language and Multicultural Centre Education Department of South Australia Mr Commissioner, Your Excellencies, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen I have been invited here tonight as a Greek-born second generation Australian, to contribute to this Lalor Community Relations evening. The topic of my speech is The Eureka Stockade - The Greek Connection. What, then is the connection? The most obvious link is the word "Eureka" about which many myths have been written. It was Archimedes, Greek mathematician, scientist and inventor, of the third century BC who established the word in history by reputedly shouting it aloud as he leaped unclothed from his bath after solving the problem of determining the gold content of his King's crown. Ever since, the joyous Greek cry of "L6pyie (I've found it ) has stood for the thrill of discovery. The truth of this story is unimportant; but the emergence of the word in two widely separate(j, periods of history when democracy was a principle, not a practice, is significant. It seemed natural then for the Greek word "Eureka" to be heard in the gold fields of southern Australia. Geoffrey Gold, a writer/publisher from Melbourne who wrote the book "Eureka: rebellion beneath the Southern Cross", and whom I wish to thank for providing me with useful data, told me that it could have been a certain physician from Ballarat, by the name of Doctor Doyle who was one of the first to discover gold and who, as he looked down pushing aside the soil with his foot, said "Eureka:" He also told me that amongst the first to discover alluvial gold in 1851 were John Dunlop and James Regan (reported on 21 August 1851). A Mr Alfred Clark who tracked these two men down reported in the Geelong Advertiser (4 September 1851): "Despondency has fled and from the gloom of discontent comes an outburst of high hope. Again Geelong may cry 'EUREKA' for ere long we may claim to be the Appalachian of the Golden District". Regardless of the actual origin of the use of the word "Eureka" in the gold fields, there was in fact a vein of gold called the "Eureka lode" where mostly Irish and Canadians worked. Peter Lalor was one of the men working on this site. It was here, at the time of the great unrest in 1854, that Lalor called for volunteers to prepare themselves for the approaching clash with the authorities. A stockade was built at the Eureka field, where the men could muster together and be drilled. The following is the Eureka oath which was solemnly taken: "We swear by the Southern Cross to stand truly by each other and fight to defend our rights and liberties". On November 29, 1854, the miners hoisted a flag whose design was based on the Southern Cross in the skies - a flag not only seen as the diggers' flag but a symbol of freedom and nationhood to be later incorporated in the Australian flag. Is it significant that the colours blue and white were also chosen to represent freedom and nationhood for Greece? Men of many nationalities gathered under this flag. They were striving in Mark Twain's words for "liberty, a struggle for a principle, a stand against injustice and oppression". By so doing, they set in train a movement towards the kind of democratic institutions we take for granted today. This is the real "Greek Connection" linking the aspirations of 19th century miners with the advanced political thinkers of the 5th century BC. Finley in his book "Democracy Ancient and Modern" wrote that "the Greeks, and only the Greeks, discovered democracry". "Democracy"(6nlio4palaOis of course a Greek word, the second half meaning "power" or "rule", hence autocracy is rule by one man; aristocracy, rule by the "aristor", the best people. "Demos" was a Protean word with several meanings, among them "the people as a whole" (or the citizen body to be more precise) and "the common people" (the lower classes) and the theoretical debates often played with this central ambiguity. The written record of Greek, particularly Athenian, political theory (and practice for a brief period) was at the heart of 18th and 19th century radicalism which was spreading throughout Europe. To Australia in the 1850's came men and women seeking independence and personal freedom from political bondage. The principles of Greek democracy were alive and well among educated and uneducated alike. In Australia of the 19th century, despite the rise of the democractic theories, political power was still in the hands of the oligarchic few and this reflects the disparity between theory and practice in ancient Greece. Eureka was symbolic of widespread democratic movements both international as well as national. It was the climax of a widespread democratic movement embracing many gold fields and also urban centres. The Eureka Stockade was an embodiment of man's desires to be treated equally with his peers regardless of station or status. This movement had a very multi-cultural flavour, for it included native-born Australians, Englishmen, Irish, Scots, Canadians, Americans, Germans, French, Italians and many others. What is not generally known is that the movement included at least one Greek,a man called Andrea Lekatsas - later changed to Andrew Lucas. Andrew Lucas, born in Ithaca and probably as adventurous as Homer's Ulysses (also of Ithaca) was working as a sailor on a British ship when he arrived to stay in the newly-founded city of Melbourne in 1848. The discovery of gold attracted him to Ballarat where he took part in the Eureka rebellion. He returned to his homeland, Ithaca, in 1870, comparing Australia to a paradise and encouraging his close relatives to migrate to this great country. Let me digress a little, and talk about the Lucas family in Australia. I want to especially acknowledge the assistance of Mr Efstathios Raftopoulos, grandson of another notable Greek migrant to Australia also named Efstathios Raftopoulos who contributed to the growth of the dried fruit industry in the Riverland at the turn of the century. Mr Raftopoulos junior spoke to me about the descendants of Andrew Lucas who migrated in 1848. He said: "I met Con Lucas, his son, in 1936 when he was about 75. He had married an Australian girl and had two sons and two daughters. They lived in the Collingwood area of Melbourne for many many years. One of his sons was the Secretary of the Collingwood Football Club for years... They seemed to have lost touch with Greeks however (i.e. Greek Australians). I think they became more Anglicized..." Others of the Lekatsas family (i.e. first cousins and the like) migrated to Australia in the late 19th century and continued to migrate by the process of chain migration. Antonis Lekatsas (born in Ithaca 1863) possibly a first cousin of Andrew Lucas who was in the Rebellion, was one of the founding fathers of the first official Greek Orthodox Community of Melbourne and Victoria. He later became the Greek Consul for Melbourne and it is said that he was the wealthiest Greek of that period. Australian Prejudices Pre World War II The story of the Lucas and Raftopoulos families is a tenuous thread linking today's multiculturalism with that other multicultural era when the search for democratic rights brought together men of many nations in a common purpose. But we must be realistic, rather than romantic about both that era and today's Australia. Prejudice, discrimination, cruelty and hatred of other races was rife and racial bigotry probably reached its zenith in Australia in the last half of the 19th century, with Chinese as the main targets. Paralleling the development of democratic government which was inspired by Eureka was the ugly continuation of this prejudice and ethnocentrism. Greek immigrants arriving in Adelaide in 1898 were described as "... a dirty lazy undesirable class of beggars". Greek Immigrants 1898 (Source: Archives, State Library, South Australia) "The case of a band of destitute immigrants was the subject of two files in the correspondence of the South Australian Police Commissioner's Office in 1898. On the 21st June the senior constable of the Semaphore Police Station reported that a number of Greeks (20 adults, 16 children) had been landed from the French steamer Ville de la Ciotat at Largs Bay in the vicinity of Port Adelaide. They were visited at their camp at Largs Bay by a senior constable and interpreter. They state that during the war in Greece they were driven from their homes everything taken from them, that they fled from Thessaly to Athens, where the Government advised them to go to Australia and paid their passage to Sydney. They were told that the men could earn 12 to 15 shillings per day, and could find gold anywhere. Their reason for landing at Largs Bay was because one of their women was recently confined and they were tired of being on board ship. They have a book in their possession in which is written in English, that among 25 inhabitants of Larissa 10 are old men and the rest small boys, that their houses have been burnt by the barbarous Turks, and asking for aid. They say that this was written in Athens, with a view of getting subscriptions for an orphan boy they had taken charge of, and whose parents were killed in the war (which is doubtful). The question of their expulsion was considered but meanwhile the party decided to walk to Melbourne. They successfully camped at Norwood, Mitcham, Walkerville (and others)." Before World War II a very small proportion of the population was non-British by descent - mainly Germans, Italians, Greek. The Australian people (whoever they were) were very ethnocentric, and xenophobic. In 1925 the Alien Immigration Commission, led by T A Ferry, issued a report on migrants in Queensland. It is heavily loaded with value statements, prejudice and ignorance. Ensuing are some quotes: "EFFICIENCY OF BRITISH WORKERS ...generally admitted that the British workers are the most efficient...the next best would be the men from the North of Italy... (who) are much superior to the Southern Italians and the Mediterranean races generally.. .the latter's behaviour in the trains in crowding out the carriages and jostling women and children is adding to the objections.. .the principal offenders.. .are Maltese, Sicilians and Greeks. GREEKS are generally of an undesirable type...they live in the towns and carry on business in cafes, fish-shops, boarding houses, and other less reputable ways.. .add nothing to the wealth or security of the country...Socially. and economically this type of immigrant is a menace to the community in which he settles, and it would be for the benefit of the state if his entrance were altogether prohibited. Several rejects from America came under my notice... Their residence in America was usually in some industrial centre where they were engaged in some menial occupation which only added to their unfitness to become useful citizens of the Commonwealth. ITALIANS ...early arrivals were from Northern Italy...they. quickly conformed to the laws of the State and the British standards of living...Unfortunately the majority appear to be from the South, many of them being Sicilians... ...Workers (i.e. British-Australian)...naturally resent the intrusion into their midst of large numbers of immigrants many of whom are of a hopelessly inferior type...and who are as great a menace to the better class foreign immigrant as they are to the British... SUGGESTIONS ...The selection of migrants - consideration to racial stock...Necessity of keeping a record of all aliens in the Commonwealth and in each State.. .Foreign clubs - not desirable..." Migration Waves Successive waves of migration have brought many Greeks to Australia since the Eureka Stockade. Their contribution has been well-documented. Their descendants represent a significant proportion of Australia's population. Not only do we have Greek Australians representing us in government, but also those making a mark in the professional, literary and business spheres of Australia. As early as the turn of the 19th century, John Macarthur, the father of the Australian wool industry, had employed a number of Greeks to work in the land in New South Wales. Also in the 1800's, Queensland's Governor Bowen had brought his Greek-Italian wife, Diamantina Roma to Brisbane. The Diamantina River, Roma Street and Roma Railway Station have been named after this very attractive and popular woman. But the participants at Eureka represented a broad range of ethnicities and I've only used the Greeks to exemplify the contributions that all ethnicities and in fact all people-of Australia have made. We all know of the work of the Italian and Chinese in Northern Queensland, the Germans in South Australia, the Greeks in Melbourne and fishing ports of South Australia. There are countless examples. Multicultural Australia Multicultural Australia is not a new phenomenon. The history of modern Australia has been the history of its immigration since 1788. Ethnic loyalties need not, and usually do not, detract from wider loyalties to community and country. The sense of identity developed by each citizen as a unique individual is distinct from his national allegiance. There is no reason to suppose that a citizen who identifies himself with pride as a Greek-Australian, deeply involved in the cultural activities of the Greek community in Australia will be less loyal or less concerned with Australian matters than a citizen of Scottish origin who takes part in a bag-pipe band or a highland dancing group. A happy, well-adjusted Australian is first a person who accepts and understands his/her own ethnic background be it Scottish, Greek, Spanish, Irish or whatever. For this reason, the Australian school (the first meeting place for Australian children of various backgrounds) whether it is polyethnic or predominantly Anglo-Australian "must be the first point of concern in the combating of prejudice, the elimination of discrimination, and the building of amity and unity in the society". (Al Grassby 1976). The latter were Mr Al Grassby's words - a man I want to publicly thank for all he had done towards the building of this amity and unity in Australia. The six years working as his consultant have been most exciting and rewarding for me. What Then is the Lesson of Eureka for us Today in Social Terms Firstly, to realise that democracy does not automatically mean the abolition of prejudice. Secondly, that equality may still be a relative term linked with ethnicity. Thirdly, that a multicultural Australia implies going beyond democracy in political terms to democracy in social terms. It is important for us not to idealise Eureka but to appreciate the fact...that at that time, racial prejudice was alive and well particularly against Chinese and Aborigines. We have come a long way not only in principles of democractic government but in the alleviation of racial prejudice. The recognition by Australians of the multicultural nature of their society is the natural conclusion of the principle for which the men of Eureka fought.  With the Commissioner, the organisers of the 1981 commemoration Mrs Erna Valetti, officer in charge of the Canberra office and Mr Chris Fuller.   ISSN 0727-2863 Page 1 14 21 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 PRINTWRITE fastprint CANBERRA 062-80 5298. 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