ࡱ>  sujklmnopqrg !bjbjVV kr<r<""||DDDXXXX&,X$.....}Z}Z}Z$5VD}Z'RV}Z}Z}Z||..$ˑzzz}Z>|.D.z}Zzz܏0`T.Г#nP $|00$= z=HT=DT(}Z}Zz}Z}Z}Z}Z}Zz}Z}Z}Z}Z}Z}Z}Z=}Z}Z}Z}Z}Z}Z}Z}Z}Z" B: HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION Discussion Paper No.9 Refugees' Experiences of Anti-Asian Sentiment in the Brisbane Area. Prepared by: The Indochina Refugee Association (Queensland) Date: July 1986. This is the ninth of the Human Rights Commission's Discussion Paper Series, The Discussion Paper reports the findings of a study undertaken in the Brisbane area between March and May 1985 of anti-Asian prejudice and discrimination experienced by members of the Vietnamese (including ethnic Chinese), Lao and Kampuchean communities. Discussion Papers are issued by the Commission from time to time as a means of generating public discussion and comment on various issues or subjects. Accordingly, the Commission invites general or detailed comment to be submitted to the Commission at the following address: Human Rights Commission, G.P.O. Box 629, CANBERRA A.C.T. 2601 The views that may be expressed or implied in the Discussion Paper series are not necessarily those of the Human Rights Commission or its members, and should not be identified with it or them.   Human Rights Commission Discussion Paper Series ISSN 0815-1992 Discussion Paper No. 1: Corporal punishment in schools and the rights of the child, March 1983. Discussion Paper No. 2: Payment of award wages on Aboriginal reserves in Queensland, August 1983. Discussion Paper No. 3: Proposed amendments to the Racial Discrimination Act concerning racial defamation, September 1983. Discussion Paper No. 4: Ethical and legal issues in guardianship options for intellectually disadvantaged people, November 1983. Discussion Paper No, 5: Rights of relinquishing mothers to access to information concerning their adopted children, July 1984. Discussion Paper No. 6: Guardianship and the rights of intellectually disadvantaged people, November 1984. Discussion Paper No. 7: The aspirations of Aborigines living at Yarrabah in relation to local management and human rights, March 1986. Discussion Paper No. 8: Prostitution and Human Rights: a Western Australian case study, June 1986. FOREWORD REFUGEES' EXPERIENCES OF ANTI-ASIAN SENTIMENT IN THE BRISBANE AREA This paper reports the findings of a survey conducted between March and May 1985 by the Indochina Refugee Association (Queensland), to determine the extent and nature of the prejudice and discrimination experienced by members of the Vietnamese (including ethnic Chinese), Kampuchean and Lao communities in Brisbane. Since its establishment, the Commission has become increasingly concerned at the rising level of racial tension evident in the Australian community generally and especially at manifestations of anti-Asian sentiment in the capital cities. Further, the Commission has noted that much of the commentary on this development has been one-sided, with little of it coming from the Asian communities involved. Having in mind its obligations in relation to Articles 2, 1, 19, 24 and 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and also its responsibilities under Section 20(c) of the Racial Discrimination Act, the Commission decided to fund a small number of projects aimed at providing the members of Asian communities in the capital cities with an opportunity to present their experiences and perceptions of the nature and extent of the problem, as well as their suggestions concerning ways it might be alleviated. In relation to the latter, the researchers were invited to comment on the Commission's Report No. 7, Proposal for Amendments to the Racial Discrimination Act to Cover Incitement. to Racial Hatred and Racial Defamation when framing their recommendations. This is the first report which results from those studies. The Commission wishes to thank the members of the Indochina Project Team for the energy and thoroughness with which they undertook the research and the writing of this report. Given that all worked on the project in a voluntary capacity, in spare moments generously prized free from full-time occupations, the speed with which they nevertheless were able to complete the task is an indication of their dedication. ICRA PROJECT TEAM Project Consultant PETER LING M.Phil, B.A.(Hons), Dip.Ed., M.A.Ps.S. Researchers ERROL VIETH B.A., Dip.Ed., Grad.Dip.Multicult.Ed. BERNARD MACDOUGALL B.A. COLLEEN WILLIAMS B.Bus., A.A.S.A. The survey was designed by Peter Ling. The data was interpreted and the report was written by Peter Ling, Errol Vieth, Bernard Macdougall and Colleen Williams. Thanks to those many people who freely gave of their time to assist in all aspects of this survey. It should be noted that, throughout this report, the term refugee indicates the Indochinese populace. The term Australian means those living in Australia other than the Indochinese people. It is recognised and emphasised that most Indochinese people living in Australia are Australian citizens or will be in the future. The separation between the terms Australian and refugee is an artificial one and was made for the sake of the survey. Table of Contents Chapter 1 THE PROBLEM AND THE ISSUES 1.1 Asians Beware 1 1.2 Mass Hysteria and National Drama 1.3 A Note of Caution 5 1.4 Retrospect and Introspect 7 1.5 Survey Alms and Objectives 9 Chapter 2 SURVEY DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY 1 0 2.1 Sample Size and Multicluster Sampling 2.2 Sample Composition 2.3 Survey Procedure and Questionnaire Chapter 3 PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA 3.1 Results from the Overall Survey10 12 13 1 5 1 53.1.1 Refugees' Perceptions of Australians153.1.2 Refugees' Perceptions of AttitudesTowardsThem16'3.1.3 Refugees' Beliefs 鱨վ AustralianSocialBehaviour173.1.4 Forms of Discrimination183.1.5 Awareness of Australian Social Norms193.1,6 Beliefs 鱨վ the Degree of Prejudice203.2Results From the Group Analysis20 3.2.1 Refugees' Perceptions of Australians 3.2.2 Refugees' Perceptions of Attitudes Towards Them 3.2.3 Refugees' Beliefs 鱨վ Australian Social Behaviour 3.2.4 Forms of Discrimination Reported by Refugees 3.2.5 Awareness of Australian Social Norms 3.2.6 Refugees' Perception of Australian Prejudice 3.3 Results from the Vietnamese Sample Chapter 4 Discussion and Conclusion 4.1 General Evaluation and Summary of Findings21 23 23 25 26 7 27 30 30 4.2 Implications of Findings 31 4.3 Human Rights Issues 3 4.4 Recommendations 32 Appendix A Survey Design and. Geographic Parameters 35 A.1 Statistical Considerations 35 A.2 Map 1: Densities of Vietnamese-born Population 36 A.3 Map 2: Suburbs From Which Cluster Lists Were Compiled. 3 7 Appendix B The Questionnaire 3 9 Appendix C Comments from Interviewees 4 5 Appendix D Interviewers' Comments 4 9 4 D.1 Interviewer; cluster 2 49 D.2 Interviewer; cluster 4 5 D.3 Interviewer; cluster 5 50 D.4 Interviewer; cluster 7 51 D.5 Interviewer; cluster 12 52 Appendix E Submission: 'Norms' 53 Appendix F Individual Comments on the Proposed Amendments to the Racial Discrimination Act 5 6 F.1 Submission no. 1: Whether or not to legislate 56 F.2 Submission no. 2: The Proposal for Amendments to the Racial Discrimination Act to Cover Incitement to Racial Hatred and Racial Defamation - Legal Concerns of a Journalist 57 Appendix G Select Bibliography 50 Chapter 1 THE PROBLEM AND THE ISSUES 1.1 Asians Beware In 1984 Australia witnessed one of its most heated debates on racism. When Arthur Calwell remarked that 'two wongs do not make a white' in post-war Australia there were few protests,1 Were he to express the same sentiments to-day there would be public outcry. It is a measure of the changes that Australian society has undergone that such a response would occur. The 1984 debate was initially stirred on 9 January when the editors of various ethnic newspapers were addressed by the Leader of the Opposition, Mr Andrew Peacock, and his spokesperson for immigration and ethnic affairs, Mr Michael Hodgman. Australia's bi-partisan approach to immigration had ended when the Labor Government took a 'dangerous and radical turn to the left', Mr Peacock said. He added that the Liberal Party would issue its official immigration policy in the middle of March, that immigration and ethnic affairs would be one of the major issues in the forthcoming federal election, and that he looked to Mr Hodgman to matte the running in this issue The matter received coverage in several newspapers during the week that followed, leading editors of The Australian to ask, on 17 January, 1984, 'Just what Kind of nation do we want?'. The editorial continued with: Quoted in Collins J Immigration - the rhetoric and the reality The Sydney Morning Herald, 1 May, 1984. The original quote is from Commonwealth Parliamentary Debates, 2 December 1947, vol 194, p 2948 Present immigration trends seem to be operating under the general assumption that Australia wants to be an Asian country, but at no time has that decision been made by the majority of Australians. In fact, despite a more pragmatic approach to trading with our Asian neighbours, it would seem the converse is true. However, the issue retained a relatively low profile in the media until, on 17 March 1984 in an address to a Rotary conference in Warrnambool, Victoria, Professor Geoffrey Blainey sparked of f further controversy with a speech ending with: The pace of Asian immigration is now far ahead of public opinion, especially the public opinion in those suburbs and workplaces to which man, of these Vietnamese and Kampuchean refugees will go? The drama which followed was played out to a theme of 'stop the Asians before you and I become Asianised' and received extraordinary publicity. For the Asian victims at least, the significance of the material probably surpassed that of all other news. In the minds of many Australians the concept of Asianisation conjures up old fears of the 'yellow peril' and its southward thrust. The fear of an Asian invasion evokes feelings of tension, anger and hostility, so that for these people, not reacting would be unthinkable. An increase in anti-Asian graffiti in public places occurred, arguably because Blainey's statements have given some legitimacy to racist ideology. Examples were to be seen in railway stations and blank walls in many areas: 'Asians out', 'Stop the Asian invasion', 'We hate Asians', 'Asians not welcome'. 1.2 Mass Hysteria and National Drama While it is difficult to measure the social effects of the public debate there have been some indications of them from a Sydney market survey which showed increased racial tension and hostility directed at the target group. SSC and B Lintas - an advertising agency - produced a report which indicated that most Sydney 3 Blainey G All for Australia Methuen Haynes, Sydney, 1984, respondents were not blatantly racist in their views prior to the Blainey statements. There was, however, a degree of resentment because the Asians were perceived to be taking jobs from Australians.4 In the weeks that followed it became evident that the professor had tapped a rich lode in the national psyche. In March and April 1984, the mood appeared to be one of 'apathetic tolerance', but by May, after the debate had been in the headlines for eight weeks, hatred was said to be brewing amongst people living in Sydney's western suburbs. These were residents who were alleged to have been directly affected by the arrival of Asians. 'It's the working class who confront the racism issue', one commentator said, 'and it's the Vietnamese who evoke the most obvious hostility'. The Lintas report concluded that the feeling of an Asian threat was more pervasive after the Blainey publicity, Another public opinion survey in Sydney revealed that there was increased hostility to Asians even at University campuses.5 Blainey meanwhile claimed that he had received and answered 1600 letters from people who shared his concern about the arrival of Asians, and the fascist group National Action reappeared in public to cheer him at a Sydney meeting!) In Melbourne's eastern suburbs the National Party regional secretary , Alexander Psalti, began campaigning for preselection on a 'send Asians back' platform. At Maribyrnong High School, attended by Vietnamese children from a nearby migrant hostel, teachers reported a sharp increase in racist incidents; one involving baseball bats. 7 Although fake letters offering milking goats, rice and curry powder to families willing to take Asian refugees had been circulating since 1979, the apparent resurgence of these letters prompted editorial comment in a Brisbane newspaper. 4 SSC&B Lintas Racism: the People's View, Sydney, 1985. One of the commentaries on the report is Goot M Public opinion and the public opinion polls in Marcus A & Ricklefs M C Surrender Australia George Allen & Unwin, Sydney, 1985. 5 in O'Lincoln Racist views 'worse' since Asia debate Courier-Nail, 18 June, 1984. 6 ibid 7 ibid 8 Fake letters are 'bad joke'. Courier-Mail, 26 June, 1984. In Canberra the Australia-China Friendship Society expressed regret that Blainey's remarks had caused great distress to many Chinese people living in Australia. Brisbane was no exception. Coverage in the Brisbane print media was perhaps slighter than in the southern capitals, but since March 1984 it has still been quite substantial. A brief survey of articles appearing in Brisbane's major newspapers shows not less than 40 news reports, 26 letters to the editor, 11 feature articles and 8 editorials. Something of the atmosphere may be guaged from several of the newspaper headlines: Tolerance of Asian migrants weakens Telegraph 19.3.84 The dangers of immigration Courier-Mail 22.3.84 Curb Indochinese intake - Historian Courier-Mail 23.3.84 Influx of Asians provokes jobless Daily Sun 3.4.84 Debate stirs 'fear and alarm' Courier-Mail 4.4.84 Blainey to hecklers: 'I will not be bullied' Courier-Mail 20.6.84 Attacks (on Blainey) a threat to our rights Daily Sun 27.6.84 Asian fear could tear nation apart Daily Sun 5.7.84 Support for Blainey - a great Australian Courier-Mail 11.7.84 Blainey view is unbiased Courier-Mail 12.9.84 Propaganda from a government in ragged retreat Courier-Mail 28.9.84 Blainey will survive his crucifixion Courier-Mail 11.5.85 It may be noted from the last-cited article that even after some 14 months from the original controversy there were still strong statements of support for Professor Blainey. The report that probably hurt Asian people the most was one concerning Gallup poll results. On 20 May 1984, large headlines announced that 67% of Queenslanders disapproved of the increasing proportion of migrants coming from Asia compared with those coming from Britain and Europe. The national figure of disapproval was 62%? While it is not easy to determine fully the impact of such publicity, certain social ramifications do nevertheless give indications of increased hostility and racial tension in some sectors of the community which made life unpleasant for the minority group. 9 67X 'no.' to Asian trend Courier-Mail, 20 May, 1984 The devastating effect of 'induced racism' could not have been clearer than it was in the Queensland Austcare charity appeal which achieved less than half its target. One envelope was returned with three bullets and a note reading 'This will take care of three of them40 The latent racism which people may have is brought to the fore in times of economic hardship when others such as the Indochinese refugees are believed to be assisted financially with the end result of being 'richer' than the 'Australians'. Hence the myths of 'gold in the teeth', houses bought by the Federal Government, the eating of the local dog population and other such misinformation is fed to those in our society who are affected by unemployment, and to the children in schools. These myths are alive and well. The contention that the refugees take the jobs of Australians also appears to have wide currency. 1.3 A Note of Caution The existence of racist tendencies in particular individuals is not necessarily a rational phenomenon. What this means in practice is that arguments exposing the myths of racist ideology may not, in themselves, lead to the breakdown in this ideology. it Distinctions between people based on notions of race and colour and the associated appellations of superiority/inferiority have arguably been a part of western culture since the 18th century with a flowering in the late 19th and early 20th century. The practice of making a people a scapegoat in times of hardship is fully documented in the history of the Jewish people. 10 O'Lincoln, op cit 11 See, for example, Bergb.e P L van der, 1967 and Kovel, 1970, where the existence of psychological types which tend to racist ideology is postulated. These notions and practices are a part of the world-view of many Australians, whether conscious or unconscious. Hence The Bulletin, even in the post war years, had the motto at the top of the page 'Australia for the white man', a comment both ethnocentric and sexist, but a reflection of the ideology of the majority of Australians at the time. In the 1950s, Movietone News carried a documentary on Sydney with the narration something like 'Sydney: the greatest white city of the Southern Hemisphere'. This ideology, or world view, is perhaps a powerful, although we may hope diminishing, aspect of mainstream culture. Its power should not be underestimated, especially in times of economic contraction. One argument which needs to be considered carefully is that the current immigration of refugees is similar to the waves of European refugees and immigrants in the years following World War II up to the 1970s. The argument is that the current immigrants will come to be accepted over time. It is certainly hoped that these migrants will be accepted over time, but there are very substantial reasons why this may not occur. Firstly, the Indochinese refugees are very dissimilar in appearance, customs, and world-view to the dominant Australian culture. It is not a foregone conclusion that the Indochinese people will be accepted as easily as the European immigrants of the post-war years, although this may happen. Secondly and more importantly, the post-war years were marked by full employment and migrants were not perceived as taking jobs from other Australians. There was no economic reason why migrants should not come to Australia. This utopia has ceased to exist. Unemployment is now endemic, and 'full employment' is now seen as being the equivalent to a 5% unemployment rate. In this economic climate, the possibility of strong reactions to the Indochinese people for the reasons mentioned throughout this survey is very real. The refugees are perceived as taking away jobs from Australians. This perception needs to be urgently addressed. A complacent attitude on the part of the Government may lead to distressing developments. One only needs to look at Nazi Germany to see the end result of uncontended myths. The idea of finding a scapegoat in the society to which all ills can be attributed should be fought, lest it signals to the public approval to vent their frustrations by physically abusing these perceived enemies. The ultimate end of such uncontended myths is exemplified in the death of millions in the Holocaust. 1.4 Retrospect and Introspect In a democratic society it is the right of people to espouse a view which is contrary to the current policy. But when a person of Professor Blainey's eminence uses his status as a scholar to make inflammatory and discriminatory statements with selective examples of friction between Australians and Asian people, he makes the resettlement of refugees increasingly difficult. As we have seen in this drama, Blainey's unfortunate remarks have given some legitimacy to the viewpoint of the rabid but hitherto alienated or 'closet' racists who wish to point out various misfortunes that they see occurring if the Asian intake continues. They have foreshadowed, among other things, increased unemployment, a lower standard of living, an increased sense of republicanism, heightened anti-British feelings and even race riots. Because these Third World refugees come from undemocratic countries with lower standards of living, Blainey seems to suggest, there is no limit to the evils they might impor02 But the recently arrived Indochinese people are refugees as well as immigrants. When they leave their homeland other immigrants have some element of choice. Refugees leave their homes - at great material and emotional cost - because they cannot live under governments which, they perceive, deny their basic rights. Their decision to leave is made because they perceive that retribution will be taken against them for whatever reason, When Vietnam was separated many people living in the North believed that their lifestyle and religious practices would be upset and feared persecution if they did not fall in with the new government's wishes. Those who could, fled south. When Vietnam was reunified many people again grew fearful as manyunsympathetic citizens were taken off to re-education camps. 12 But see Barker G Asian immigration and democratic traditions The Age, 12 May 1984, for a refutation of this argument. It was reasonable to assume, Barker said, 'that Asian immigrants, especially refugees, are attracted to Australia at least partly because they want to live in a country that enjoys political freedom'. Furthermore, 'neither Professor Blainey nor Mr MacKellar explains how the present or projected level of Asian immigrants could threaten our established freedoms and institutions. They offer no causal account of what Asians might actually do or provoke that would undermine political democracy'. Thus some of the Vietnamese in our midst have more than once absconded from the communist regime. In The boat people are detailed the hardships suffered by refugees in their attempts to escape. Desperate bids were made in tightly packed boats, most of which were eminently unsuited to the open Ma. Stories abound of the robberies, violence, rape and kidnappings perpetrated on the seagoers by pirates. Refugee friends tell of long months extending into years in primitive camps as they waited to enter a third country which they hoped to make their home. Australia has done a good deal when we consider the proportion of refugee intake to total population. But other countries have done much with less. Poorer countries in close proximity to Indochina have borne a greater burden. With help from the international community they have provided refugee camps and have arranged the logistics of supplying the refugees basic needs. They have been faced with the prospect of having these camps on their soil indefinitely while western countries procrastinate, deciding which refugees are suitable for entry into their own country and which are not On arrival in their new country refugees still face difficulties. They find themselves in a culture different from their own with little or no Knowledge of the language. The Australian Government provides a good deal of assistance as do various humanitarian and religious organisations. With an attitude of friendliness and helpfulness, the average person in the host country can also, if he or she wishes, do much to help the newly arrived refugees. In addition to these problems, many refugees who came to this country because it was free, soon discovered that, at an individual level, they did not enjoy the full extent of human rights and the traditional maxims of fair play. 1.5 Survey Aims and Objectives The Indochina Refugee Association of Queensland was set up to provide support for refugee resettlement. Its aim is always to facilitate improved relationships between refugees and the wider Australian community. It is hoped that this survey will contribute to that objective. At a time of increased public manifestations of anti-Asian sentiment in the capital cities, directed primarily at the Indo-Chinese refugees, it is necessary that the level of racial tension experienced by refugees in Brisbane be researched and monitored so that steps can be taken to address the issue. The purpose of this survey is threefold. Firstly it attempts to answer the following questions: L What view of other Australians have the Indochinese refugees derived from their social experience? What is their perception of the attitude of other Australians towards them? What beliefs have they formed from their social experiences? What are their reported experiences of discrimination in school, at work and in public places generally? If there is perceived discrimination, how much of it is due to the ignorance which refugees might have of the mores of the dominant culture? Do the refugees still feel that Australians are prejudiced against them? Secondly the survey aimed to determine whether variations in perceived discrimination among various refugee groups might not be associated with variations in the period of residence in Australia, educational level, overseas (that is, outside Vietnam) educational experience, age differences, sex differences or occupational status. Finally the survey aimed to make recommendations based on the survey findings which might, if the survey showed the need, go some way towards addressing any problems and promoting better relations between groups in the Australian society. Chapter 2 SURVEY DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY 2.1 Sample Size and Multicluster Sampling It was decided to make the sample size 120 given financial constraints and statistical requirements. (See Appendix A.) The Indochinese population in Brisbane has been estimated at roughly 11 000. Within this group the Vietnamese outnumber the Kampucheans and Lao in the ratio of 9:1:1. Whenever the Asian immigration debate has arisen the refugees from Vietnam have been the principal media target. Therefore it was decided that 100 Vietnamese refugees should be interviewed and ten each from the Kampuchean and Lao communities. Since a wide geographic area with varying refugee population densities was involved, a multicluster area sampling plan was instituted, with 10 households per cluster. Names and addresses for the Kampuchean and Laotian clusters were derived from their local community groups and associations. Cluster area sampling for the Vietnamese group was based on an official map of Brisbane published in 1984 by the Queensland Government which showed the various concentrations of Vietnamese born residents (see map i in Appendix A). Ten clusters were drawn from high, medium and low density areas. For each selected cluster area a list of randomly selected suburbs was then derived from a map published by the Australian Bureau of Statistics (see map 2 in Appendix A). The outcome of the subsequent cluster sampling was as follows: Cl high density Vietnamese - West End, South Brisbane, Dutton Park C2 high density Vietnamese - Darra, Inala C3 high density Vietnamese - Goodna, Galles C4 medium density Vietnamese - Annerley C5 medium density Vietnamese - Robertson, Acacia Ridge C6 medium density Vietnamese - Woodridge, Kingston C7 low density Vietnamese - Zillmere, Northgate, Banyo C8 low density Vietnamese - Wynnum, Redcliffe C9 high/medium density Chinese - West End, Oxley C10 high/medium density Chinese - Sunnybank Hills, Valley Cii mixed density Laotian C12 mixed density Kampuchean Sub-sampling proceeded with interviewees' names and addresses selected randomly from electoral rolls, telephone directories, parish lists and other community records. For each cluster area an extra two or three names and addresses were included to allow for non-cooperation and for people not able to be contacted. In all cases it was ensured that only representatives of refugee households were interviewed. The interview was held with the householder, that is, the person who nominated as the 'head' of the household, whenevcer this was possible. Generally these were fathers, but mothers and grandparents were also amongst this group. 2.2 Sample Composition With the above method of selection of households (n = 120) the outcome of sample composition was as follows: HOUSING BY TYPE z own home 64 renting 2 9 housing commission SAMPLE BY SEX GROUP male 72 female 2 8 SAMPLE BY AGE GROUP X 20-24 9 25-29 1 7 30-34 2 9 35-39 2 5 40-44 1 0 45-54 7 55 and over SAMPLE BY HOUSEHOLD SIZE 2 6 3 8 4 19 5 20 6 24 7 6 a 8 9 9 2.3 Survey Procedure and Questionnaire All respondents in the survey were interviewed personally by trained bilingual Indochinese interviewers who worked at all times under the close supervision of field supervisors who validated the interviews thereafter. A formal questionnaire was used after successful pilot-testing (see Appendix B). The questionnaire was in the language of the interviewee; that is, questionnaires were prepared in Mandarin, Vietnamese, Lao and Kampuchean. The following aspects were examined: Refugees' perceptions of Australians (Q1); Refugees' beliefs about Australian attitudes towards Indochinese refugees(Q2); Refugees' beliefs about Australian social behaviour (Q3); 4, Refugees' beliefs about discrimination and reports of the forms of discrimination experienced (Q4); Refugees' knowledge of Australian social norms (Q5); Refugees' experience of prejudice (Q6); Refugees- personal and household particulars. The survey was conducted between late March and early May, 1985, with much of the interviewing being done after business hours and during weekends. The full target of 10 households per cluster was achieved, with a total 120 interviews being successfully completed. Following validation, the data was coded and handed to the Department of Anthropology and Sociology at the University of Queensland for computer processing. Details of interviewees' responses to open-ended questions are included as Appendix C. The interviewers' specific comments on the survey and the people they surveyed are included as Appendix D. Chapter 3 PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS OF DATA To make this chapter more meaningful, it is suggested that reference be made to the questionnaire contained in Appendix B. 3.1 Results from the Overall Survey 3.1.1 Refugees' Perceptions of Australians In order to assess refugees' perceptions of Australians, the questionnaire asked whether they (the refugees) - from their experiences with Australians generally - found Australians to be friendly, helpful, intelligent, trustworthy and so on. The data indicates that refugees are divided in their perceptions of Australians: 61X think Australians are easy-goirrgiN", helpful and polite, 45% think of Australians as being friendly, 46% think Australians are kind and fair-minded, 48% perceive Australians to be trustworthy. Yet only 32% see Australians as understanding and 36% perceive them to be generous; 32% think Australians are warm-hearted. The sample indicates that refugees are not taken by the intelligence of Australians: 29% think that Australians are intelligent, 22% perceive that Australians are interested in Indochinese refugees. 14 This appellation is not necessary favourable. See Bright R W & Loiskandl H 'School leavers and the reproduction of social structures: unemployment and the ethnic dimension'. Paper presented at the annual conference of the Sociological Association of Australia and New Zealand (SAANZ), University of Queensland, Brisbane, 30 August - 2 September, 1985. It should be noted that the questionnaire asked for statements to be agreed with on a scale of 0 to 5, where 5 was strongly affirmative and I was strongly negative. 0 was 'no answer'. The rating of 3 ('no opinion') indicates ambivalent perceptions, or possibly, given the refugees' cultural background, 'no comment'. 15 In the section of the questionnaire analysed above, there were between 25% and 50% of the respondents who indicated 'no opinion' by answering with a 3. 3.1.2 Refugees' Perceptions of Attitudes Towards Them Further to their perceptions of Australians, the interviewees were asked to rate the degree of truth of certain statements pertaining to attitudes of Australians towards refugees. 27% reported thinking that Australians really disliked the refugees while 27% think the opposite; 46% are ambivalent. 33% think that Australians would go out of their way to help refugees, 34% think the opposite while 33% are ambivalent. Given these results, it is somewhat disquieting that 43% feel that Australians Know a lot about the refugees while 25? feel the opposite and 31% are ambivalent. 297. think that Australians don't understand refugees' ways of behaviour, 49% think they do and 21% are ambivalent. 24% think that Australians treat refugees in the same way as they would other Australians, 35% are ambivalent and 40% believe they are treated differently. 18% believe that Australians don't want them here, 32% believe that they do and 49% are ambivalent. The observation made from these results is that, even though Australians Know a lot about the refugees (in the opinion of those refugees), they still believe that Australians are not completely accepting of the refugees. 15 The term ambivalent in this chapter can be seen as having either of the two meanings given in the Macquarie Dictionary; namely, either the coexistence in one person of opposite and conflicting feelings towards the same person or object or uncertainty or ambiguity, especially due to inability to make up one's mind. 3.1.3 Refugees' Beliefs 鱨վ Australian Social Behaviour In conjunction with their perceptions of Australians' social behaviour and attitudes, refugees were asked to indicate how far Australians would be likely to associate and form friendships with them. This was done through a social distance test asking questions about the degree to which Australians might welcome them into their homes, debar them from Australian establishments, have them as next door neighbours, form close friendships or intermarry with them. Only 39% of the sample were of the definite opinion that they would not be debarred from Australian establishments. 42% were ambivalent and 19% were of the definite opinion that they would be debarred. 28% of the sample reported thinking that Australians would not like to become acquainted with them; 52% think the opposite and 20% are ambivalent. Similarly, 32% believe that Australians would not welcome them as visitors into their homes, 47X believe they would be welcomed and 21% have no opinion. 41% think that Australians would form close friendships with them while 26% hold the opposite view. 54% believe that Australians would have them as next door neighbours; 19% do not. 67% think that Australians would help them, only 12% do not. 59% think( that Australians would allow them to work with Australians while 22% do not. Only 28% believe that Australians would intermarry with them and 19% believe they would not. 53% have no opinion. The observation that can be made from this section is that significant proportions of the refugees are unsure that they would be treated similarly to other Australians. The majority of the sample indicates a certain reticence to express the view that they would be treated in a similar fashion to other Australians. They perceive that they are viewed as different, and for that reason they are not totally accepted by the dominant Australian culture. 3.1.4 Forms of Discrimination After refugees' perceptions of Australians' beliefs and social behaviour had been ascertained they were then questioned as to whether discrimination actually occurred and were asked to indicate the places it occurred and the ways in which such discrimination was manifested. 63X of the sample reported thinking that Australians discriminate against them. Although this could be seen as contradicting the suggestion implicit in the data mentioned above that a large minority of the refugees have favourable images of Australians, the suggestion made here is that many refugees probably have Australian friends, yet feel that there are many other Australians who might discriminate against them. 39X of the sample reported that they had actually been discriminated against. 48X of the sample felt that they, as refugees, are discriminated against more than other social groups. Up to this part of the survey, there were few respondents who actually offered no answer to a question. The next series of questions actually asked where this discrimination occurred - at work, at school, at home, in public places or government agencies. To these questions which are more specific, the percentage of the sample who offered no answer ranged from 43X to 56X, with the average being 50X. One reason for this is that those who answered negatively to the first question (that is, 'Do you think that Australians discriminate against Indochinese refugees?') have been included in the subsequent questions. Other reasons for such a result can only be guessed at, although the guesses can be informed. Fear of some form of recrimination could be an answer, as could the suggestion that Indochinese people may be loath to go into such specifics. The refugees are in a precarious position in Australian society. At once they have been accepted by the Australian Government and have no doubt been rescued from a country where they were no longer able to live. It is suggested that they do not want to appear to 'bite the hand which feeds them', and so maintain a degree of silence about specific acts of discrimination. 21X reported discrimination at work (43X - no answer, 47. - no opinion). 25X reported discrimination in public places - parks, buses, shopping centres etc. (43X - no answer, 67. - no opinion). 5X reported discrimination at school (53X - no answer, 6X - no opinion). This result could have been influenced by the fact that the interviewee was generally an adult in the household, and he or she may not have been aware of the children's experiences. 6% reported discrimination around the home. Only 3% reported discrimination in government agencies (55% - no answer, 12% - no opinion). Given the relatively high proportion who reported discrimination at work and in public places, these two areas should be seen as the focus for any action which the HRC instigates on the basis of the information found in research reports such as this. The next series of questions examined the types of discrimination; that is, verbal abuse, physical abuse, being 'snubbed', threatened etc. Verbal abuse in some form or another ranks highly in the forms of discrimination experienced. 28% reported that they had been made fun of. 27% reported being called names. 13% reported being called 'dumb' or 'stupid'. 33% reported being verbally attacked. 6% reported discrimination in the form of derogatory remarks on mannerism or personality. Physical abuse was not a highly ranked feature of discrimination. Only 4% reported being pushed, hit, kicked or punched. 57. reported that they had been threatened. 5% reported that they had been hurt by something thrown at them. Other forms of discrimination were: being ignored or isolated (207. - affirmative); being refused normal service an - affirmative); being blamed or picked on for any fault (13./. - affirmative); being reminded of being 'boat people' or refugees (21% - affirmative); being denied the normal privileges of other people (141. - affirmative). 207. reported discrimination in the form of being made to feel ashamed of race or culture. 19% reported being refused cooperation at work. In the series of questions just discussed, generally less than 10% expressed 'no opinion' when asked about personal experience of discrimination, indicating that there are firm beliefs on whether or not discrimination has been perceived. 3.1.5 Awareness of Australian Social Norms In weighing up the balance between cognitive and reported experiences of discrimination of the refugees they were tested for their knowledge of Australian norms using five scenarios. It seems clear that, on the whole, refugees have a good understanding of Australian norms. It is also suggested that the norms themselves may have racist foundations. (n = 120) Scenario If I were called a 'good bastard' by an Australian workmate, I would feel hurt. If an Australian accosted me for cutting in front of him in a long line, I would think this was discriminatory. If a workmate asked me to come down to the pub after work, I would think he was trying to ruin me. If an Indochinese refugee is rejected or denied employment on the grounds of personal unsuitability, it is most likely that it relates to racial discrimination. If people not wearing a tie and coat were refused entry into a club or a social gathering, it is discriminatory if Indochinese refugees were excluded for wearing T-shirts.94% 68% 92% 3.1.6 Beliefs 鱨վ the Degree of Prejudice In summarising the degree to which refugees believe Australians are prejudiced, the interviewees were asked to indicate whether they felt Australians were prejudiced against refugees. 54% reported in the affirmative, 267. in the negative and 20% had no opinion. 3.2 Results From the Group Analysis The actual sample of the Kampuchean, Lao and Chinese groups are small - 10 families each for the first two and 20 for the last. Hence the actual figures themselves cannot be taken to indicate statistical certainty. However, they do indicate trends and perhaps provide the basis for future research. They are also useful to compare with other groups. Even the figures for the high, medium and low density Vietnamese groups are not statistically certain because of the numbers in the samples: 30 each for the first two and 20 for the third. 3.2.1 Refugees' Perceptions of Australians The Kampuchean sample perceive Australians in the most unfavourable light. None of them finds Australians Kind, understanding, warm-hearted or generous, 20% find Australians friendly, polite and fair-minded. The Lao sample has slightly more favourable impressions of Australians. 10% find them generous, 207. find them understanding and polite, 307. find them friendly, Kind, helpful, warm-hearted and easy-going. 407. find them fair-minded, but 707. find them trustworthy. The Chinese Vietnamese have consistently more favourable perceptions of Australians. 407. find Australians understanding, generous and trustworthy. 557. find them friendly, and warm-hearted, 60 7. find them Rind and fair-minded, 757. find them helpful, and 807. find them easy-going. 957. find them polite. The question regarding the intelligence of Australians requires particular comment. The question was: 'From your experience with Australians generally do you find them intelligent?' 40 % of the Kampuchean sample answered in the affirmative, as did 707. of the Lao sample. None of the Chinese Vietnamese answered in the affirmative, although 107. provided no answer and 557. answered with 'no opinion'. Within the Vietnamese sample, the high density Vietnamese cluster often have more favourable perceptions of Australians than the medium or low density clusters, although the difference is small and not consistent. 637. of the high density cluster (hdc) find Australians Kind, compared with 407. from the medium density cluster (mdc) and 457. from the low density cluster (lde). 437. of the hdc find Australians understanding (337. - mdc; 307. - ldc). 537. perceive Australians to be generous (307. - mdc; 457. - ldc). 707. find Australians trustworthy (437. - mdc; 357. - ldc). 507. find Australians fair-minded (437. - mdc; 407. - ldc). None of these three clusters had a high percentage who found Australians intelligent. (337. - hdc; 307. - mdc; 257. - ldc). Between 1/2 and 2/3 of the Vietnamese sample find Australians to be friendly, helpful, polite and easy-going. However, the range who find Australians warm-hearted ranges from 207. (mdc) to 407. (ldc). In the Chinese and Vietnamese samples, the proportion who gave an ambivalent answer was generally high enough so that the proportion of the sample who were positive about Australians was higher than the proportion who were negative. The exception to this was the question about the warm-heartedness of Australians where both the hdc and the mdc groups have a higher proportion who found Australians cold-hearted than warm-hearted. However, the Lao and Kampuchean samples strongly perceive negative characteristics among the Australian population. 60% of the Kampuchean sample and 40% of the Lao find Australians unkind. 70% of the former and 40% of the latter find that Australians are not understanding. They are not generous (80% - Kampuchean; 10)' - Lao) and are cold-hearted (40% - Kampuchean; 60)' - Lao) and rude (20)' - Kampuchean; 50% - Lao). Australians are perceived as being untrustworthy (50)' - Kampuchean; 10% - Lao). The incidence of these strong negative views amongst the two numerically small communities needs some attempt at explanation, as does the interrelated finding that the Chinese Vietnamese appear to have reasonably strong positive perceptions of Australians in general. The size of the Kampuchean and Lao communities may have some bearing on the perceptions which these communities have of Australians. The individual families in the communities are scattered throughout Brisbane. Unlike the Vietnamese and Chinese Vietnamese communities, there are few community support mechanisms for these two groups. Relatives and other members of the extended families are harder to come by. Events organised by the relevant communities are fewer for those with numerically small numbers. Ethnic schools for these two small communities are impractical. While the plight of the Vietnamese refugees is widely publicised, that of the Kampuchean and Lao groups is not. These two groups, it is suggested, have therefore a less settled and integrated life than the Vietnamese and Chinese Vietnamese groups. The members of these small communities have less contact with other members and most interaction with members of the wider community. They do not have access to health services in their own language, nor do they have as many friends and relatives who are able to help them with jobs and the normal activities of everyday living. Furthermore, the members of these two small groups need to be comparatively proficient in the use of English in order to get the things they need, unlike the Chinese Vietnamese and Vietnamese groups who already have services such as shops which operate in their own language. Hence the opportunity exists for these numerically small groups to become frustrated and stressed through many aspects of their lives because almost every contact they have is with those who do not Know of their language and culture. It is the stress of this constant exposure to different norms and language, without the relaxation of being able to perform some activities amongst friends, that produces these negative views of Australians. In recognising this problem, ICRA in ,Brisbane, with the help of the Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs, has appointed two part-time grant-in-aid workers to assist with problems which individuals in these two small communities might have. This measure will go some way towards alleviating the problems mentioned above. The Chinese Vietnamese can be contrasted with either of the small groups. The suppport services in the form of clubs, restaurants, health services and employment existed before the refugee became a reality in Australian society, through the existence of numbers of Chinese people from Hong Kong, Taiwan, Singapore, Malaysia and Papua New Guinea. These established Chinese helped refugees to settle in Australia through the provision of support services. The growth in the number of Chinese ethnic schools was caused by the expertise of Chinese educators already resident in this country. Hence the path for the Chinese refugees was already paved to some extent. 3.2.2 Refugees' Perceptions of Attitudes Towards Them Questions such as: 'Do you think Australians are interested in Indo-Chinese refugees?' and 'Do you think Australians dislike refugees?' were asked in each of the four communities. Once again the Kampuchean and Lao communities have the most negative perceptions about Australians' attitudes towards them. They do not perceive that Australians are interested in them, to the extent that the Vietnamese groups did. Both groups reported that Australians did not know much about them, to a significantly higher degree than the Vietnamese groups. Similarly they believe that Australians did not understand their ways, in contrast with the Vietnamese groups where less than one quarter of the sample reported this. 3.2.3 Refugees' Beliefs 鱨վ Australian Social Behaviour In considering social distance between Australians and refugees questions such as whether refugees believe that Australians would debar them from their establishments, would like to know them or welcome them home, have them as neighbours or friends, or would marry them, were asked. For this series of questions, the Lao and Kampuchean samples were not significantly different in answers to the Chinese Vietnamese and Vietnamese samples for most of the questions, The Chinese Vietnamese have the most positive perceptions of Australian social behaviour in some areas of activity. 85% felt that Australians would welcome them as visitors into their homes, 90% thought that Australians would help them. The other groups were not so sure. The affirmative response to the former question ranged from 23% for the mdc Vietnamese to 53% for the hdc Vietnamese. To the latter question, affirmative responses ranged from 40% for the Kampuchean sample to 73% for the hdc Vietnamese. A further point of interest is that the hdc Vietnamese appear to have more positive perceptions of Australians, with - generally - the ldc following close behind and the mdc behind them. For example, 67/ of the hdc believe that Australians would not debar them from their establishments (43% - mdc; 20% - ldc). 53% of the tide believe that Australians would welcome them into their homes (23%. - mdc; 40%. - ldc). To the question 'Do you believe that Australians would have us worK with them?', 77% of the hdc reported in the affirmative compared with 50 %. for the mdc and 55% for the ldc. To the question 'Do you believe that Australians would intermarry with us?', 40% of the hdc responded in the affirmative compared with 23% for the mdc and 20% for the ldc. These results are not easy to interpret. Of the three high density areas included in the survey, one was the West End area of Brisbane which has a tradition of being settled by succeeding waves of immigrant groups. It could be expected that this area would be particularly accepting of various people because of its cosmopolitan nature and tradition. It is not a traditional 'working class' area nor a suburban sprawl. It is suggested that, of the Australians who live in the area, many do so because of its cosmopolitan nature. Hence refugees living in this area might be well accepted in many of the activities of their daily existence. The other high density area at Darra and Inala is close to the Migrant Hostel and many previous immigrants have settled into the Darra area. However it has not the close settlement nor the cosmopolitan atmosphere of West End. Inala is a Housing Commission area situated away from transport and facilities. It serves surrounding industrial areas and is close to Darra. Both Inala and Darra are low socio-economic areas. In the Inala area there are currently many non-Housing Commission dwellings being erected. The third high density area encompasses the suburbs of Goodna and Galles, close to the previous area and serving the same industrial area. This area is more recently developed for housing. It might be expected that less positive perceptions of Australian social behaviour might come from these areas where the Vietnamese might be perceived to present an economic threat. On the other hand, it is possible that the notion of 'class' - the reality of existing on the poverty line or below - has a certain unifying effect on the people living in the area. This is an area which could be a fruitful one for further research. 3.2.4 Forms of Discrimination Reported by Refugees It is difficult to interpret the statistics for the group analysis for a number of reasons. Firstly, for the reason - mentioned previously - that the samples of the Lao and Kampuchean communities were numerically small. In addition, those who answered in the negative to the question 'Have you or any member of your family personally been discriminated against?' were included in the subsequent questions. However, some observations can be made. A majority of the respondents from all groups except, surprisingly, the Kampuchean community, believe that Australians discriminate against Indochinese refugees. A small proportion from each group believe that Australians do not discriminate against them. The remainder from each group had no opinion. A majority of respondents from the Kampuchean, Lao and hdc (Vietnamese) believe that Australians discriminate against Indochinese refugees more than any other social group. 47% of the mdc and 45X of the ldc respondents also believe this. The only exception to this general trend is the Chinese Vietnamese group; 1.07. answered this in the affirmative while 407. answered in the negative. Very few of the respondents in any group answered the question 'Have you or any member of your family personally been discriminated against?' with the option 'no opinion'. Approximately half of the sample from the Lao, Kampuchean and Chinese groups answered this question in the affirmative. Perhaps surprisingly, only in of the hdc group answered yes to this question. 60X of the mdc and 30% of the ldc also answered in the affirmative. The reasons for the in, 607., and 30% affirmative answers with decreasing density can only be suggested. Reasons for the low figures for the hdc sample have already been postulated. In the low density areas it may be that the few actual numbers of refugees in any one area are not seen to be a threat in an economic sense to the Australians in that area. The families in these areas might be 'assimilated' in the sense that they might follow the mores and traditions of the dominant culture and might not be seen as different from that dominant culture. In addition, the areas which were surveyed in this cluster are established housing areas. Most of the suburbs in the medium density cluster are growth areas, in terms of housing, in the corridor between Brisbane and the Gold Coast. They are areas of relatively high youth unemployment, possibly because of the number of families with children at home and the lack of industries. In these areas the Vietnamese might be seen as a threat in economic terms and also in the sense that they threaten the fragile social foundations of these new areas because of the refugees' perceived different social mores. 3.2.5 Awareness of Australian Social Norms To probe further into the nature of social discrimination, refugees were presented with five scenarios in which they were to indicate whether they perceived discrimination in that context. The purpose was to cross check whether differing cultural perceptions could leave the refugees wrongly considering that they had been discriminated against. In general, across all groups, refugees showed that they were very aware of Australian social norms. The only exception to this was some ambivalence to the question If I were called 4 "good bastard" by an Australian workmate, I would feel hurt.' Most of the Lao sample answered this in the affirmative. However, it should be noted that such a question enters the realms of linguistics and semantics. The reasonable proportion from most groups answering this question with a neutral response indicates perhaps that, for the respondent, the meaning of such a statement can only be deduced from the context in which it is spoken. To all other questions in this section, the respondents replied with little variation between groups. 鱨վ 9 out of every 10 respondents are very aware of Australian social norms. (See Appendix E for suggestions regarding the education of small refugee groups about these 'norms'.) 3.2.6 Refugees' Perception of Australian Prejudice The difference between prejudice and discrimination is the difference between attitudes and actions arising from those attitudes. Discrimination, taken to the extreme, may mean that a group of people is systematically barred from full equality with the others in the community in some or all facets of life. Prejudice may be less overt. It may be a feeling which a single individual has for a particular group whereby members of that group are 'put down' by that individual perhaps for some perceived difference or for some other reason. Apart from the hdc sample, a majority of all groups answered the question 'From your experience with Australians do you feel they are prejudiced against Indochinese?' in the affirmative. Some had no opinion, so that the number giving an affirmative answer was generally about 4 times the number giving a negative response, except for the hdc sample where 47% answered in the negative. Across all groups to varying degrees, it is clear that the majority of refugees perceive that Australians are prejudiced against them. 3.3 Results from the Vietnamese Sample In the previous section, some attempt was made to indicate the differences between the Vietnamese respondents living in different density areas. Some hypotheses were made on the reasons for the differences. To probe the issue of prejudice further, subsidiary analysis based on pooled data of the Vietnamese sub-group (n=100) were conducted. Results indicate that the degree to which Vietnamese report prejudice increases with the length of time spent in Australia. (chiA2 = 11.463; df = 6; p < .075) The degree to which prejudice is perceived is also related to the type of work performed by the respondent. Those in blue collar occupations report both a higher level of prejudice and are not as ambivalent about stating whether or not they perceive prejudice. (chi^2 = 19.73; df = 10; p < .05) To the question 'From your experience with Australians do you feel they are prejudiced against Indochinese?' the following results were obtained: white collar blue collar yes 25Z 5 8 X no opinion 37% 1 7 X no 38% 2 5 X total 100% 100 x (n lb) (n = 58) A number of points should be made about this table and the results. Firstly, 'white collar' is defined as those who run their own businesses or work in clerical-type positions; 'blue collar' workers are process or manual workers. Secondly, the results cannot be translated to education levels as many university graduates work in blue collar jobs for reasons stated below. The education level of the respondents seems to be related to the degree of reported discrimination. The trend is, that as education level increases, so too does the level of reported discrimination. To the question 'Have you or any member of your family personally been discriminated against?' the following results were obtained: 19% of those with only primary level of education reported discrimination. 26% of those with some secondary, 36% of those who completed secondary, 60X of those with some tertiary and 63% of those who had completed tertiary education reported discrimination. (chiA2 = 14.512; df = 8; p < .069) Some reasons for this can be suggested. It is reasonably common for the qualifications of refugees not to be recognised in Australia. Common too is the problem for the Australian authorities of 'lost documentation of tertiary qualifications. Hence it may be that some graduates perceive this lack of recognition as a form of discrimination. Alternatively, it may be that those with a higher level of education are more aware of the practice of discrimination and are perceptive of it when it is being practised. Both of these hypotheses find some support in the correlation between discrimination at work and education level. In answer to the question 'Have you or any member of your family personally been discriminated against at work?', 20% of those who had primary and some secondary education answered in the affirmative, as did 47% of those who had secondary education and 70% of those who were educated to tertiary level. These figures should be viewed with some caution because of the low numbers of respondents (n = 50). Nevertheless they do indicate a trend which might be confirmed in other research. Male and female respondents have different perceptions of discrimination. To the question 'Have you or any member of your family personally been discriminated against?' 47X of males answered in the affirmative (tax - negative) compared with 19X of females (77X - negative, 47. - no opinion). Reasons for this could only be guessed at. It could be that different work patterns between male and female result in a lower degree of discrimination. If there is a greater proportion of male refugees than female refugees in the workforce, then there is likely to be a lesser degree of reported discrimination. Chapter 4 Discussion and Conclusion 4.1 General Evaluation and Summary of Findings As a whole, this survey indicates that the Indochinese refugees perceive that there is some prejudice felt and discrimination practised towards them by other Australians. Refugees believe that this prejudice exists, and can relate personal details of discrimination. At this time prejudice does not generally manifest in acts of physical abuse; it is generally confined to verbal abuse or the withdrawal of services. The Project Team fears a scenario in which an increasing level of unemployment in the community at large, coupled with perceived increases in the numbers of refugees and the uncontended myths which might be propagated by National Front-allied organisations, and publicised by individuals with high status in the society, could conceivably change the type of discrimination to open physical abuse, on a relatively wide scale. The survey indicates that a relatively high level of belief exists amongst the refugees that Australians are prejudiced against them and would discriminate against them. The instances of actual discrimination reported were lower than that perceived. The threat of discrimination exists and many refugees perceive that they are not entirely welcome in Australian society. It should be noted that the reported incidence of discriminatory acts is significant enough in number to warrant action to prevent discrimination. The survey also makes it clear that the refugees have a real understanding of Australian ways. In general, and with the qualifications noted above, there are many refugees who perceive Australians in a favourable light. The deduction is that there are many Australians who do not have the type of world-view which sees colour and culture in terms of inferiority and superiority. On the other hand, the survey makes it clear that refugees also come into contact with Australians who are disparaging towards the refugees. 4.2 Implications of Findings The general implication from these findings is that there has been a marked absence of effective information dissemination through which process the facts surrounding the resettlement of Indochinese refugees could be revealed and debated. While the Australian Government has been willing to accept refugees for resettlement, the facts surrounding this resettlement have not been widely publicised by the Government. Mass media reports have tended to be either inadequate or distorted. The genuine fears which many Australians have, even if based on myth, could be the precursor to more overt forms of racial discrimination. 4.3 Human Rights Issues The question of legislation to protect people living in this country appears to be a thorny one. The rights of free speech are often trumpeted as a reason to not legislate against incitement to racial hatred. Yet the rights of the innocent victims of such incitement are often forgotten. Legislation enshrining the right of a particular group to live in this society without being unjustly attacked by others will not in itself remove prejudice nor discriminatory practices. But the legislation of a country determines to some extent what the citizens of that country believe in and stand for. Hence the Recommendations in the Proposal for Amendments to the Racial Discrimination Act to cover Incitement to Racial Hatred and Racial Defamation are endorsed by this Project Team, as are the Approaches preferred by the Commission, especially that of conciliation6 Some submissions on the proposed amendments were made to the Project Team by interested individuals. These are included in this document as Appendix F. 4.4 Recommendations This Project Team recommends that the following steps be taken to alleviate present racial tension and to ensure that future developments do not include physical conflicts between ethnic groups in the Australian social fabric. These recommendations have been divided into two parts; the first part is applicable to the wider Australian community and the second is applicable to the Indochinese community. Unless otherwise stipulated, the Project Team is not attempting to stipulate which organizations be responsible for the implementation of these proposals. 1. The wider Australian community Li. That the Australian Government embodies in legislation Article No. 20 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and outlaws 'any advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence'. 1.2. That the Racial Discrimination Act be amended as outlined in Report No. 7, 1.3. That the HRC and/or the Commissioner for Community Relations examine the possibility of setting up a committee or co-ordinating existing organisations of people who have experience and qualifications in relations between ethnic groups. Such a group might propose ways of countering racism, examine proposals and suggest methods of implementing proposals which might counter tendencies to racism in the community. 1.4. That education programs in human rights be used in all Queensland schools and other educational institutions. Education is an area in which the facts concerning refugees can be presented and discussed. 1.5. That the Federal and State Public Services and the professions encourage the training and employment of Indochinese people and that such people suffer no discrimination on the grounds of cultural or religious af filiations. Lb. That the myths and misinformation propagated by some groups be countered by a widespread advertising campaign in the commercial media, especially television, which refutes the assertions made by certain groups about refugees. Such campaigns might look to the issues of employment ('they take away our jobs'); education ('they work too hard', 'they take education too seriously', 'they take tertiary positions away from our children'); the problems of communication because of language differences; the circumstances of the refugees' departure from their own countries and the reasons for it; the historical dependence of Australia on migration since 1788; the development which takes place when refugees settle in Australia and become, over time, fully accepted in the society. 1.7. That the funds for multicultural education programs, under the Special Programs grants of the Schools Commission and administered by the Multicultural Coordinating Committee in each state be spent more effectively. Currently it appears that the grants component of these funds is quite small resulting in few schools actually being able to run effective programs. A large proportion of the funds allocated to each state appears to be used in administrative tasks. 1.8. That the State and Federal Industrial enforcement agencies, with the co-operation of trade unions, ensure that Indochinese people are employed at award rates of pay and under award conditions. The HRC might assist in locating the situations where such conditions exist. The fear which appears to exit that Asians will accept lower wages and destroy working conditions needs to be understood and shown to be groundless, if in fact the fear is groundless. 1.9. That the Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs and/or the HRC examine the possibility of establishing a long-term research project which will attempt to establish the way people perceive such issues as refugees in the community. Teachers in schools, workers in factories and offices etc. might be invited to participate in these projects. The Indochinese community. 1.1. That more interpreters and bi-lingual information be provided to those government and non-government agencies which liaise with Indochinese communities. 1.2. That the needs of the smaller communities of Laotians and Kampucheans be especially addressed in terms of the recommendation above. 1.3. That there be more support provided for the Home Tutor Scheme and that this scheme be enlarged. 1.4.. That orientation programs be provided for refugees both on arrival and at later stages when they are more settled and perhaps more able to absorb the information. They may be able to choose information which would be more appropriate to the situation in which they , find themselves. 1.5. That orientation programs be provided at the camps in which the refugees find themselves when it is known that the refugees are coming to Australia. 1.6. That support be given to information-giving programs on SBS 0/28 and ethnic radio. 1.7. That the role of the bilingual information officers employed by the Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs to assist refugee and other ethnic communities be expanded, and that the number of such officers be increased. 1.8. That the relevant State and Commonwealth government agencies for employment, education and services, in co-operation with the HRC, fully inform all ethnic communities of their rights in areas such as employment, services, schools etc. Unless recommendations such as these are implemented, effective support network of voluntary organisations for the resettlement of refugees will be hampered, while the rhetoric of human rights will continue to not match the actual experience of Indochinese refugees in Australia. Appendix A Survey Design and Geographic Parameters A.1 Statistical Considerations Within limits of funds available for n<=120, the sample size desired for a 95% confidence level with a +/- 10% precision of universe proportion was based on the formula: = zA2(pq)/e^2 where p = assumed percentage in the universe( 50%, in this case, since the proportion of refugees experiencing discrimination was unknown); q = 100 - p z = level of confidence (= 1.96) e = precision level ( +/- 10); and 1.9E02(50 * 50) /10^2 A.2 Map 1: Densities of Vietnamese-born Population BRISBANE CITYBirthplace-- VIETNAM (See Table 3.2)  POPULATION DENSITY SCALE Penent age of Populahon 0.01% to 0.04% 1-0 VJ 0.08% to 0.12% n1e:uo, 0.14% to 0.27% MED1,),,v1 0.48% to 0.59% 1411t... 162% to 317% G sun., SUMMAP :31 A3 Map 2: Suburbs From Which Cluster Lists Were Compiled 21 Noy to Lily ol lfritbJne Suburb Map index No.SuburbMap index No.SuburbMap index No.Suburb001Acacia Ridge064Geebung123Oxley002Albion065Graceville003Alderley066Grange125Paddington004Algester067Greenslopes126Pallara005Annerley068Gumdale127Parkinson006Anstead128Pinjarra Hills007Archerfield069Hamilton129Pinkenba008Ascot070Hawthorne130Pullenvale009Ashgrove071Ileathwood010Aspley072Hemmant131Ransome073Hendra132Red Hill011Bald Hills074Herston133Richlands012Balmoral075Highgate Hill134Riverhills013Banyo076Holland Park135Robertson014Bardon077Holland Park West136Rochedale015Dellbowrie137Rocklea016Belmont078Inala138Runcorn017Berrinba079Indooroopilly018Boondall080Jamboree Heights139St Lucia019Bowen Hills081Jindalee140Salisbury020Bracken Ridge141Sandgate021Bridgeman Downs082Kangaroo Point142Seventeen Mile Rocks02,Brighton083Karawatha143Sherwood023Brookfield084Nedron144South Brisbane024Bulimba085Kelvin Grove145Spring HillGe5Burbank086Kenmore146Stafford087Kenmore Hills147Stafford Heights026Calamvale088Keperra148Stretton027Camp Hill089Kuraby149Sumner028Cannon Hill150Sunnybank029Capalaba West090Larapinta151Sunnybank Hills030CarinaOglIota031Carina Heights092Lower Nudgee152Taigum032Carseidine093Lutwyche153Taringa033Chandler094Lytton154Tarragindi034Chapel Hill155The Gap035Chelmer095McDowall156Tingalpa036Chermside096MacGregor157Toowong037Chermside West097Mackenzie038City098Manly158Underwood (pert)041Clayfiold099Manly West159Upper Brookfield042Cooper's Plains100Mansfield160Upper Kedron041Coorparoo101Middle Park161Upper Mount Gravati044Corinda102Milton045Cribb Island103Mitchelton162Virginia104Moggill046Darra105Moggill State Forest163Wacol047Deagon106Moorooka164lakerley048Doolandella107Moreton Island (includes Bishop165'avail Heights049DrewvaleFisherman, Green, Mud, St166West End124OurackHelena, and Whyte Islands)167Westlake050Dutton Park108MorningSide168Willawong109Mount Coot-tha Park169Wilston051Eagle Farm110Mount Gravatt170Windsor052East Brisbane111Mount Gravatt East171Wishart053Eight Mile Plains112Mount Ommaney172loolloongabba054Ellen Grove113Murarrie173Vooloowin055Enoggera174Wynnum056Enoggera Military Camp114Nathan175Wynnum Vest057Enoggera State Forest115New Farm058Everton Park116Newmarket176Yeerongpilly117Newstead177Yeronga059Fairfield118Norman Park060Ferny Grove119Northgate178Zillmere061Fig Tree Pocket120Nudgee062Fitzgibbon121Pledgee Beachn83Fortitude Valley122Nundah__ Appendix B The Questionnaire ID Col 1-4  1. From your experience with Australians generally (not withstanding any particular individuals) do you find them: Friendly 5 4 3 2 1 UnfriendlyCol 5Kind 5 4321 Unkind6Helpful 5 4321 Unhelpful7Understanding 5 4321 Not Understanding8Generous 5 4321 Not Generous9Warm Hearted 5 4321 Cold Hearted10Polite 5 4321 Rude11Intelligent 5 4321 Unintelligent12Trustworthy 5 4321 Untrustworthy13Fair Minded 5 4321 Prejudice14Easy Going 5 4321 Serious15Interested InMigrants FromIndo China 5 4321 Not Interested162. How well of the following statements describe Australian attitude towardsInd Chinese Refugees?Australian just not interested in Indo Chinese Refugees17Very Well 5 4321 Not At AllAustralians really disliked us18Very Well 5 4321 Not At AllAustralians go out of their way to try to help us19Very Well 5 432I Not At AllThey don't know much about us20Very Well 5 4321 Not At AllThey don't understand our ways21Very Well 5 4321 Not At All Col 2. Cont'd They treat us just like they treat each other Very Well 5 4 3 2 1 Not At All They don't really want us here Very Well 5 4 3 2 1 Not At All 3. Do you believe that Australian . Would debar refugees from their establishmentYESNO OPINIONNO24Would like to know us25Would welcome us as visitors into their home26Would help us27Would have us work with them28Would have us as next door neighbours29Would form close friendships with us30Would intermarry with us314. Now on the issue of social discrimination, do you think that Australians discriminate against Indo-Chinese refugeesYESNO OPINIONNO32Australians discriminate against Indo-Chinese refugees more than any other social group33Have you or any member of your family personally been discriminated against34IF SO, where did it occur ... at work?35at school?36at home areas?37at public places (city, park, rail, bus)38at government agencies?39at other places40 to 43(please specify) 4. Cont'd And what forms did it take: Made fun ofYESNO OPINIONNOCol 44Being called names45Been pushed, hit, kicked or punched46Been threatened47Been hurt physically by an object thrown48Been ignored or isolated by49Been refused for normal service50Been blamed or picked on for any fault51Been reminded of being 'a boat people' or refugees52Been denied the normal previlege of other people53Been told of being dumb or stupid54Been verbally attacked55Been made to feel ashamed because of your race or culture56Been subjected to derogatory remarks on mannerism or personality57Been refused cooperation in work58Any other ways59(Please specify)60 6162 4 - 5. Here are some social encounters which we would like you to consider ... If I am being called 'a good bastard' by an Australian workmate I feel hurt Strongly Agree 5 4 3 2 1 Strongly Disagree If an Australian accosted me for cutting in front of him in long Line, I think he is discriminatory Strongly Agree 5 4 3 2 I Strongly Disagree If a workmate asks me to come down to the pub with him after work, I think he is out to ruin me Strongly Agree 54 31 Strongly Disagree If an Indo-Chinese refugee is rejected or denied employment on grounds of personal unsuitability, it is most likely that it relates to racial discrimination Strongly Agree 54 3I Strongly DisagreeIf people not wearing a tie and coat are refused entry into a club or a social gathering, it would be discriminatory if Indo-Chinese refugees are excluded for wearing T-shirts. Strongly Agree 54 3 2 1 Strongly Disagreeb. From your experience with Australians do you feel they are prejudiced against Indo-Chinese? Yes No Opinion No Please comment 69 70 71 72 Finally, just a few questions so we can be sure that we have interviewed a good cross-section of the Indo-Chinese population How long have you been in Australia? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9+ What is your educational attainment? Primary Some Secondary Completed Secondary Some Tertiary including apprenticeship Completed Tertiary including trade courses University Graduate Where did you obtain your highest educational attainment? 1. At home institution 2. At an overseas country Whar is your present occupation or trade? Run own business Work for government or its agencies White collar worker Process worker in a factory Manual worker Not working Other (Specify) How many people live in this house altogether 7 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Is this house I. Your own 2. Rented 3. Commission Col Yoursex Male Female Your age 20 24 25 29 30 34 35 39 40 44 45 54 55 and over Thank you for your kind cooperation. Appendix C Comments from Interviewees These comments were recorded by the interviewers. We are Chinese and we have a very strong and united relationship amongst us. We don't think that Australians are against us but we think that in some way they respect our people. Everywhere we meet good and bad people and it always depends on our behaviour to have the final reaction of the people around us. Australians are good people but some migrants, especially Spanish-speaking people, are so bad. At work they don't want to help us or they refuse to work with us. Discrimination is not the problem regarding the Australians but it is really the problem between migrants and refugees. I think( Australians are not bad people but some migrants are. They always cause trouble for us at work and they don't want us working with them. Australians are not interested in other things than their family, their house, their jobs. But they accepted us here without troubles. They are very happy people. And the fact that we are here is as natural as that they are here. We always meet good people and bad people everywhere, not only in Australia. But all depends on our understanding behaviour and the Australians have to understand our ways too. b. I had so many children (5). Sometimes the landlord was angry with me because the boys were so naughty. But I've never been discriminated against. 7. Everything depends on our behaviour. If we are good people the Australians will be good with us. I think Australia is the best country for refugees, for all the social care in health and living. I've never been discriminated against but I think that if we understand the Australian customs, their ways of living, then everything will be easy for us and we'll gain their respect and even their sympathy. When I knocked on the doors of the factories asking for jobs, I found out that the Australians are really generous and helpful. I don't think that they are against us. A few of them - IX - have bad manners towards us. But we can't say that Australians are against us. In fact, they are very trustworthy people. If we, the Indochinese refugees, were well educated, we'll receive from them their respect and their full cooperation. Considering other people is sometimes interpreted by Australians as poking the nose into someone else's business. Being polite - traditional Asian custom - is considered soft and not intelligent. There is discrimination against the Indochinese. Firstly they do not understand the way of life and the customs of the Indochinese. Secondly, Anglo-Saxons think that they are better than the Indochinese. One refugee gave a detailed account of how he had been frozen out of his job. He was self-employed, and his job required licencing by a state government department. He stated that Australians in this particular occupation became jealous of him because he was so good at his work. These Australians contacted the government department and his licence was revoked. He is now on unemployment benefits and has been for a year. He hopes that his licence will be returned in the near future; at least he's going to pay his annual fee. He is having a lot of problems with his family. His wife has moved interstate to try to get a job; he has a lot of children. [This account is a paraphrased version of that reported. The man's occupation, if known, would probably identify him.] At work Australians often criticise the refugees and are seldom friendly to refugees. Yes there is discrimination against Indochinese. Whether they are discriminated against in the long term depends on the future contact between the two groups. They discriminate against Indochinese but not much. The reason is their lack of understanding caused by the difference in culture, language and the way of life. The way they express their discrimination depends on the social class of the Australian. lb. Y es there is prejudice because the refugees look different - yellow skin, black hair, short stature. Whether or not the Australians discriminate in the long run depends on the future contact between the two groups. 17. The people don't want to make my acquaintance. It is very hard to talk to them because they don't want to talk to me. They show strongly that they don't want to talk to me. 16. Not all people showed racism; some them did but others did not. They discriminate because they think the refugees take their jobs. Only a few people discriminate against Asians. The Australians don't understand the Vietnamese very much. ee. Racism usually happens to refugees trom the younger group rather than to the older group. e6. There is discrimination because appearance, language and customs of the refugees are different from the Australians. 24. What forms did discrimination take? Yelling, insulting, but not serious. Cars were sometimes smashed in the car park and/or deflated tyres etc. Racism could happen due to difference in language and custom. eb. The refugees are different from the Australians because of their appearance and way of life, The Australians are afraid the refugees will take their jobs. db. Fifty percent of people discriminate against Asians but it's not very important because the past of Australia shows that there has been discrimination against each other. 27. There is not any discrimination but there is some friendly jokes. 1 work in a factory which is owned by an Australian. However, most of my fellow workers are Vietnamese. So I don't feel much discrimination. 1 don't socialise with Australians very much. I have a few Australian -friends who I always get help from. I feel that most Australians are prejudiced against Indochinese although the level ot prejudice is varied between different people and between different working conditions. Perhaps the existing prejuctice against Indochinese and other ethnic groups is a result of the Australian education system whereby no information on countries such as Vietnam is taught at schools. Forty percent of Australians discriminate against Indochinese, often while driving or in a public place. In general I would like to say Australian people have been Rind and friendly to us and treated us very fairly. Their own concern is whether we can observe their customs and be good citizens. The person concerned asked for his watch and was verbally attacked by the laundryman and the boss sacked him from work. Being punched at school but did not punch back because we feel that as foreigners we must be good. How? Called and threatened on the road, things thrown across the fence, impolite words. When there is a misunderstanding the Asian has never been given a chance to make them understand. In the public places where the rules are not made the servers tend to serve the Australians and leave the. Indochinese until last. The first priority of taking work is always to the Australians, At the shops where there are no rules put up, Australians are called to be served before Indochinese. Some people have discriminated against Asians but some have not. On the other hand the relationship is not close enough to find out the level of discrimination. Y es, I do believe that there is some degree of discrimination in the Australian community towards the Indochinese refugees. This is due to many social factors that exist in the community itself. These factors vary from place to place and from person to person. Appendix 1) Interviewers' Comments The interviewers were bilingual Indochinese people who were the closest to the interviewees. Their comments are therefore valuable. D.1 Interviewer; cluster 2 After interviewing the people in cluster es it could be concluded that: The opinions of the interviewees for the discrimination depended upon the time for resettlement in Australia and the circumstance of each person. In my cluster, the maximum was 9+ years and the minimum was 4 years. The time was long enough for the Vietnamese refugees to have experiences in the new life and were used to Australian society. This led to the answers which reflected what they thought about the Australian attitudes towards them. In general, the Vietnamese refugees felt that the Australian has been prejudiced against them. This happened throughout Australia, not only in Brisbane, especially at Cabramatta in Sydney, where a lot of Vietnamese refugees concentrated and was well known as a 'second Vietnam'. The racial discriminations were at a high level and appeared everywhere, In Brisbane the discriminations were not as serious as Sydney; it still occurred but not at the same level. English speaking could be one of the major problems. Almost all the refugees could not spea.K English well enough so they usually used their own language while speaking together, especially at public places. This would make the Australians get upset. Different customs, cultures and the living ways made the Vietnamese refugees avoid contact with the Australians. The time was not long enough for the Vietnamese refugees to fax themselves up appropriately with the Western standards of society, unlike the other immigrants which came from different parts of Europe. D.e Interviewer; cluster 4 t;onclusions about how people reacted to the survey: To the people who have been in Australia only a short time there is generally no discrimination because they do not have much contact and involvement with the community and the Australians usually want to help the newcomers. To the highly educated people the discrimination exists in some ways that are subtle and of light intensity. To the working people the problem normally deals with their working environment but some of them do not recognise it and I could say that it is fairly serious. some people are scared of telling us, and also there are a few people who are so good that they balance out the discrimination of others. To the people who stay here for a long time but do not have to go out working with Australians, their ideas are generally not clear about the problem. D.3 Interviewer; cluster 5 All interviewees found it difficult to answer the questions asking them to give their opinions on Australian people. They said that because of the language barrier, they do not _Know a good cross-section of the Australian people, so their answers could only be relative. Most of the interviewees - especially those working in factories - felt that they are discriminated against. The usual form of discrimination is to be ignored or isolated. Most of the interviewees thought that Australians are prejudiced against Indochinese refugees mainly because the refugees look different from them (colour of skin, of hair and stature) and also because they do not understand their culture and their ways of life. Some interviewees also thought that Australians used the refugees as scapegoats for their period of bad economy when alleging that refugees take their jobs. D.4 Interviewer; cluster 7 I visited ten people from the list. Generally speaking, all interviews that I experienced were very interesting. I was welcomed by an interviewees and they were happy to answer all the questions. They found difficulty in answering the questions because the questions were too general. In their experienced life, they met some people who showed racism and good people who helped and understood them so it was difficult to answer question 6. CFrom your experience with Australians do you feel they are prejudiced against Indochineseel To them the racism came mostly from the young and the elder were polite and understanding. The racism came from many forms such as a look, an insult or sometimes a threat. Most of the interviewees telt sad and depressed when these happened to them but they said they accepted it as a 'natural reaction'. As an interviewee said the refugees were like foreign atoms added to a solution and of course these atoms disturbed the solution and the reaction occurred. He implied that racism existed in every country, not only in Australia. Some interviewees also pointed out why racism happened to the refugees. One of the reasons was difference in language and customs. They Knew that speaking English in Australia is really necessary but they found difficulty in expressing their Vietnamese ideas in the English language. They did their best to overcome this but after a few words they gave up and eventually they spoke in Vietnamese and this created misunderstanding between the Vietnamese and the Australians. Custom is another aspect of the racism. in Vietnam we have a motto: 'If you have a fixed abode, you can have a good job and can create a fortune'. It is a shame if a married couple does not own a house. This is the reason they worked hard to buy a house because they are still keeping their custom in Australia and some Australians felt jealous of this and they wondered why the Vietnamese owned houses while they have been living in Australia only a few years, but these Australians should ask themselves how much money they spent for holidays , social activities.., and then they would figure out why. There were many explanations from the interviewees but the above ones were typical. My letter seems to be lengthy but it reflected the opinions from the interviewees to the survey. I hope my interviews may contribute to the survey. D.5 Interviewer; cluster 12 After all the interviews, 1 find that the Kampuchean people land it hard to put in words the actual forms of prejudice. At the same time, some of these people, according to polite culture, can't be rigid in saying anything straight when it comes to direct conflicts. I feel that some of these people can't make precise decisions or judgment on themselves because of a lack of knowledge, lack of education. They don't expose themselves to Australian society. Appendix E Submission: 'Norms' (This submission was written by two members at the IC:RA Management Committee.) Discrimination does undoubtedly exist but cultural misunderstanding occasionally causes refugees to think they have been discriminated against when in fact they have not. Real discrimination has been dealt with elsewhere but it would also seem appropriate to deal with the problem of misunderstanding. Our survey results appear to indicate that where misunderstanding occurs, it does so in the smaller communities ot Laotians and Kampucheans. Informal information networKs are not as well developed as they are in the larger groups ot Vietnamese and Chinese Vietnamese. This would suggest that greater attempts should be made to educate the smaller communities about Australian norms. Cultural differences may play some part in groups which experience discrimination. Face saving is an important element in Asian society that is not understood by Australians and this could be the cause of misunderstandings. Many characteristics of Vietnamese have been documented. Vietnamese - and we would add other Indochinese, - in general do not openly ex press feelings, especially to those with whom they do not have a close retations.nip. Sparing someone's feelings is usually valued more than truth. When confronted with a direct, delicate question, they may find it very difficult to give a blunt 'no' in reply and the yes' answer in that context may simply reflect a desire to please. LA 'yes answer is just as likely to mean that the question has been understood.] A smile may serve to cover disturbing effects rather than being an ex pression or happiness... Likewise, they fail to share the Western sense of urgency and punctuality, laughingly speaking of the Vietnamese -rubber watch' The Ethnic Affairs Commission of New South Wales published a report outlining the .Key concerns of ref ugeel? This report identified immediate settlement difficulties as communication, organisational differences and cultural differences. Some excerpts from the report follow. Communication difficulties are caused by a inability to speak the language to varying degrees and this caused a host at settlement problems and led people to feel lost, unsupported and depressed.(p.4) organisational difficulties they encounter present equal difficulty; Indochinese people come from less industrialised and differently structured societies. The majority of newly arrived refugees Jack practical knowledge and ex perience in dealing P r 1112 the new system, They want to conform but find it difficult to know the accepted norms in aay to day situations; for example, when renting accommodation, interacting with workmates, socialising or relating to neighbours. At a more complex level, peo pie with skills or professions nave become trustratec by the rigidity of the process tor getting tneir experience and quam 'cations accepted. They need opportunities to learn sufficient English and to adapt their Knowledge and skills to Australian requirements. U ntortunately, tnere are few sucn opportunities at present.(pp.4,b) On cultural differences: Many newcomers ao not comprehend tne relatively impersonal way peopie relate to one anotner in this society. It taxes time for tnem to understand the way Australians perceive or interpret situations. Even atter the understanding is established, tney may still lo Bowman Edwards The Indochinese Refugee: An overview Australian and New Zealand Journal ot Psychiatry, vol 18, 1984. pp. 40-be see cont.ticts between traaitions ana values tnroug.t2 unfamiliarity. Tney can feel aiienatea from tne new community. They certainly tee.1 ionely on speciai cultural occasions.(P.b) it is noted that , during this survey, when interviewers visited households in the low density areas, they requently found that the householders had gone to visit t riends and relations in the high density areas. Appendix le individual Comments on the Proposed Amendments to the Racial Discrimination Act 14%1 Submission no. 1: Whether or not to legislate (This submission was written by a member at the ICRA Project Team.) Certain torms ot racial intolerance are ditticult to legislate against. utten it is best to use other techniques to improve the situation. Name calling in schools could be outlawed by the headmaster with limited success but an educative approach could well prove more beneficial in the long run. A recent 'Behind the News' ABC school telecast showed how a school theatrical production which pointed out the injustice ot prejudice and the humanity ot its victims nad vastly reduced the 'name calling in a south Australian High school. Name calling and discriminatory action in the workplace is covered by present HRC legislation which enables the use ot conciliatory processes to improve matters. Similar behaviour in public is not covered by HRC legislation and pern.aps it is best to leave this matter to a program ot public education while ensuring that misleading racist propaganda is not disseminated to encourage' such discriminatory behaviour. Hardcore racist literature should be subject to some legal enactments which have enougn teeth to eliminate sucn propaganda. Racist publications which are talse or misleading should be banned. Incitement to racial hatred need not be the criteria tor banning; it should be sutticient that the intormation presented is talse or misleading with regard to a certain ethnic group. As a member ot the public I wish to be informed and it it is true that members of certain groups plant bombs, run drugs, treat women badly or defraud the government, then I believe I have the right to Know the bacKground ot the people perpetrating these actions. Publication of information, however, which insinuates that all members of a particular ethnic group are responsible for such activities should be open to legal redress. It is hoped that 'group Action may soon be possible so that a particular community may sue the publisher for false and misleading dissemination of information regarding that group. In my opinion incitement to racial hatred or the malicious desire to bring the particular group into disrepute need not be proved for compensation to be forthcoming. It should be sufficient that a particular ethnic community suffered as a result of such publication of misinformation. When legislating to protect the reputation ot ethnic groups suggest that ethnic group be defined in such legislation to include any religious group which by reason of its cultural practices has become an identifiable group within the broader community. This should close loopholes that have come to light in great Britain: the word 'Hindu' is used instead ot the word 'Indian' to avoid anti-discrimination legislation. it would also cover Moslems who are often more identifiable than many racial groups. F. Submission no. e: The Proposal tor Amendments to the Racial Discrimination Act to Uover incitement to Racial atred ana Racial Defamation - Legal Concerns of a Journalist Declaring through legislation that 'incitement to racial hatred and racial defamation are not acceptable behaviour ' (para 1.3) implies that there exists a necessity to censure by one means or another individuals who carry out these actions. ut to connect this to the need to protect the community from the European experience of the 193()'s and 1940's' risks ignoring the need to more fully explore other built-in legal safeguards and the paramount need to preserve freedom ot expression, including public expression ot points ot view in the media. There also are considerable sanctions about conspiracy to carry out or to incite certain types of violent action against individuals or property. Australian conspiracy trials frequently have attracted considerable interest and frequent acquittal or no lie prosequi. They do however allow public examination ot the issues behind the conspirator's behaviour, except in those instances where trial in camera or with suppression has occurred. Undoubtedly a considerable sanction against the persons who have carried out socially undesirable behaviour ot this sort that cannot be dealt with by simple criminal charges (as in the case of assault) or conspiracy or defamation charges. The solution may rest in the power of the HRC to act as an instrument of pure privelege, with its judgments and oDiter enjoying similar publication rights to that of a law court or legislative chamber. This provides the sanction ana the ability to publicly examine the motives, bac.Kground and modus operandi of individuals or organisations carrying out acts of racial defamation and/or incitement to racial hatred. Because some of these acts are politically grey (the recent behaviour of some Federal Opposition figures fed and fed from what arguably could have been described as incitement to race hatred) the ability to criticise, ridicule, expose, probe and cross examine figures operating in the grey area may be more effective and more socially and politically acceptable than the ability to determine punitive sanctions such as fines, jail sentences, contractual restitution of status, damages etc. Certainly any sanction under the Racial Discrimination Act which does not take into account the need to understand and remedy the causes of race hatred in the individual/s involved is self -defeating. The individuals involved should publicly be seen to be helped, rather than be made martyrs. This should not preclude some means of restitution or damages to the victim/s. The Report does not adequately define racial discrimination, or discuss the means by which racial discrimination could meaningfully be discussed by the community whether or not through the media. For example, (p.i.d) the absence of the Canadian defence means (truth, public interest and removal of injustices) could lead to interpretation ot media reporting by one or other group of commissioners. If, for example, a news report contained a priveleged parliamentary statement regarding the disparity between one racial group's overall population and its representation in prisons, a grey area arises. If a reporter, given time constraints, approaches community leaders of that group, other groups and spokesmen for prisons, retorm, etc. and derives (in his or her view) the newsworthy comment that the particular group in the prisons is there because ot alcohol-related offences, another grey area exists. If a politician then comments that 'all those group x people in Jail are there because they booze too much', could a reporter risk offending the proposed RDA amendments? And if that politican's statement is even more racially defamatory, even inciting to violence, should the reporter censor the story to protect his or her neck? If the leading lights of the politician's political party also come out with similar statements, what approach should be taken? If the reporter discovers a widespread community view which says 'All group x are drunkards,' and whether or not he takes into account an accurate contrary view, publishes it, what further danger does he or she risk? A reporter has an obligation as an overriding principle to 'respect truth and the public's right to information via 'ethical and professional standards'. This does not mean that a reporter rushing to have the politician's statements included on the bpm news bulletin should delay his story while every possible balance is built into it, or until a few days after the event when all possible legal angles have been cleared up. Those standards include the requirement not to place 'unnecessary emphasis on gender, race, sexual preference, religious belief, marital status or physical or mental disability'. clearly, in reporting a story, the interpretation of the term 'unnecessary emphasis' may lead to conflict with certain proposed RDA amendments. The view of the good reporter is that the public right to know - by the reporting of what has been said - overrides any possible undesirable end results of incitement in the language of the politician. Appendix (3 Select Bibliography Banton N The idea of race Tavistock, London, 1977 Berghe P L van der Race and racism John Wiley, Sydney, 1967 Birrell R et al (eds) Refugees resources reunion VCTA Publishing, Melbourne, 1979 Blarney G All for Australia Methuen Haynes, Sydney, 1984 Burns D et al Reading, writing and multiculturalism Australian Reading Association, Adelaide, 1982 Race: the history of an idea in America SchocKen, New York, 19b5 The boat people Penguin, Ringwood, 1979 Refugee: the Vietnamese experience Oxford University Press, Melbourne, 1982 Ethnic politics in Australia George Allen & Unwin, Sydney, 1984 White racism Vintage, New York, 1970 Levine R A & Campbell D T Ethnocentrism John Wiley, Sydney, 1972 Lowenstein W & Loh PI The immigrants Penguin, Ringwood, 1978 Martin J The ethnic dimension Encel S (ed) George Allen & Unwin, Sydney, 1981 Mau H & Krausnick H German history 1933-45 Oswald Wolff, London, 1959 The Australian people Hodder & Stoughton, Sydney, 1980 Memoirs of an anti-semite Pan, London, 1983 The death and life of Dith Pran Penguin, Ringwood, 1985 The immigration debate in the press CHOMI, Richmond, 1984 The girl in the white ship: a story of the Vietnamese boat people Collins, London, 1981 The long journey: Australia's first boat people Griffith University, Centre for Further Study of Australia-Asian Relations, research paper no 15, 1980 The long journey: Vietnamese migration and settlement in Australia Melbourne University Press, Carlton, 1984 The refused: the agony of the Indochinese refugees Dow Jones Publishing, Hong Kong, 1981  ( iv) (v) 2 Whitlock F Peacock slams Haw.ke's 'radical' migration policy The Australian, 10 January, 1984. p25 13 Grant B The boat people Penguin, Ringwood, 1979. Other books detailing these episodes are listed in Appendix G. The results of the survey are treated in the chapter that follows. Disagree Neutral Agree 56% 19% 257 91% 5% 4% d 16 Human Rights Commission Report no. 7 November 1983 (AGPS, Canberra, 1984) pp.14,15 17 SSC&B:Lintas The Lintas Report 1984  MAP 1.3.6 I 1 1 ems MOM 1111111111111111 -066?;WN .4,41    ALBERT 14 STATISTICAL DIVISION BOUNDARY LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA BOUNDARIES SUBURBS WITHIN CITY OF BRISBANE CITY BOUNDARIES BRISBANE STATISTICAL DIVISION 20' - 39 - 22 23 Col 65 66 67 68 63 64 79 80 do. The Australians do not Know our customs; it may take quite a while to get together. The most common place of discrimination is their place o work - factories - or when they go looking for work. TasK Force on lndo Chinese Refugees Survival and Beyond V 01 e . (Ethnic Affairs Commission of New South Wales, 1979) As the report points out, there already are sanctions against certain types ot defamation. The media and a priveleged HRC should be strong enough to override any view to the contrary. Gossett T F Grant B Hawthorne L Jupp J (ed) Kovel J McGregor C Rezzori G von Schanberg S Singer R (ed) Townsend P Tran, My Van Viviana N Wain B ./H`rs M ǹseWI;-hzE@A*ϴ8*ϴ7B*OJQJphh@9*ϴ9B*OJQJphh@5*ϴ*ϴ *ϴ5B*OJQJphh@-*ϴ,*ϴ2*ϴ-B*OJQJphh@$*ϴ$B*OJQJph/s I ^  " # % & $a$d$la$ >d^ @]@^$a$$a$  Nd@] ]^d^ $da$gdzE N  9 H I ] ^ ǹseWI;-hzE@=B*OJQJphh@ *ϴ B*OJQJphh@%*ϴ$*ϴ%B*OJQJphh@5*ϴ,*ϴ<*ϴ:*ϴ0*ϴ5B*OJQJphh@7*ϴ *ϴ@B*OJQJph    ! 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